The 15 April 2023 gruesome and broad daylight murder of Atique Ahmed (gang star turned politician) and his brother within police protection in Prayagraj (Uttar Pradesh) by outsider assassins, has shaken the mind of all gang-stars of India. Atique Ahmed was MLA and MP from Samajwadi Party.
But he was widely known as a notorious gang-star who was involved in dozens of murders, rapes, physical assaults, land grabs, extortions and mob violence since past four decades. Atique Ahmed can be treated as case-study to understand the nexus between gang-stars, Islamism and political power game of different Muslim-centric regional political parties in particular and India in general.
Atique Ahmed had absolute political protection during the non-BJP rule in Uttar Pradesh. In January 2005, Raju Pal, a sitting MLA of UP from BSP, was murdered by Atique’s men for defeating Atique’s brother in election. Atique’s gang killed Umesh Pal on 24 February 2023. Umesh Pal was a witness of Raju Pal’s murder case.
After BJP came to power in UP during 2017, cases against all gang stars got momentum and Atique with two others were awarded life imprisonment on 28 March 2023 for a 2007 case in which Umesh Pal had accused Atique Ahmed of kidnapping and torturing him to change his statement in court in the Raju Pal murder case. This was his first conviction of Atique Ahmed in forty years of his criminal-cum-political career.
The decade of the 1990s saw the rise of four regional political parties in Indian politics. The UP-based Samajwadi Party (SP) of Mulayam Singh Yadav was formed in 1992 and Bihar-based Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) of Lalu Prasad Yadav was formed in 1997. West Bengal-based Trinamool Congress (TMC) of Mamata Banerjee was formed in 1998 and Maharashtra-based Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) of Sharad Pawar was formed in 1999.
Both Mulayam Singh Yadav and Lalu Prasad Yadav started their political career in the then Janata Party during 1977. While SP and RJD claim their ideological inspiration from the movement of Jay Prakash Narayan, TMC and NCP were born out of Congress due to disagreement of Mamata Banerjee and Sharad Pawar with Congress leadership and policies. Then in 2012, Delhi-based Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) of Arvind Kejriwal was formed.
In the past three decades, all these five regional political parties could have their share of political power in ruling the five states respectively. Except AAP, rest four had their share of contribution in the Central Ministry of government of India. However, they had one specific characteristic in common; that is, all five regional political parties have been primarily and openly Muslim-centric.
India has a long list of other regional political parties like DMK, ADMK, BJD, JDS, JMM, and YSRC etc, which have their different regional political compulsions. But SP, RJD, TMC, NCP and AAP are compulsively Muslim-centric parties and pursue their political power by playing Muslim Card in a naked manner.
All these five Muslim-centric regional political parties of India have no well-defined ideology. They may have some catch words (Social Justice, Secularism, Ma Mati Manush and anti-corruption etc.) to represent them, but their main intention is to grab political power and remain in power at any cost as long as they can. Corruption, misrule and criminalization of politics (by using Muslim goons) are their fortes. Except BJP and Communist parties, all other political parties of India, including Congress, are owned by individual families, and these five are no different.
In UP, Muslims constitute about 19 percent of the population and Yadav about 8 percent. If these two communities could come together under SP, the party would start its voting share with 27 percent. So, another 15-20 percent of vote share from other castes would propel SP to power in UP. In case of Bihar these percentages are 16 and 11 respectively, leading to a total 27 percent like UP.
So, Muslim-Yadav combination became a very dominant political power in UP and Bihar. This was possible because Muslims anywhere in India, unlike Hindus, vote en masse as per the direction of their political and religious leaders. They will never vote for BJP. Thus, Yadav community was encouraged by Mulayam Singh Yadav (and later by his son Akhilesh Yadav) and Lalu Prasad Yadav (and later by his son Tejashwi Yadav) in their respective states to align blatantly with Muslims.
In Maharashtra, Muslims constitute about 11 percent and OBC (to which Sharad Pawar belongs) about 34 percent. So, NCP’s politics centred around 11 percent Muslims and about 10 percent of Pawar-following OBC. In West Bengal, Muslims constitute about 33 percent. Thus, it was much easier for Mamata Banerjee’s TMC to remain in power even if some Muslim votes were lost in elections to CPM and Congress in the state.
Delhi has about 12 percent of Muslim population and Hindus living in JJ Colonies and Urban Villages constitute about 20 percent. AAP government, in Delhi, has shared a large chunk of socio-political power with Muslims and gave free electricity and water to Muslim localities and Hindu population of JJ colonies and urban villages. This has confirmed about 32 percent of captive vote share in favour of AAP. Usually in Delhi, upper middle-class and middle-class Hindus do not go out to cast votes. All these have made the foundation of AAP very strong politically in Delhi. In the Delhi Assembly, the number of MLAs from opposition parties is in single digit now.
Traditionally, Muslims voted for Congress after independence as Congress was very soft and considerate towards the Indian Muslims, despite their fight for Islamic Pakistan. Congress kept on pampering Muslims for vote-bank-politics. But by 1990, when the Congress started losing its grip on Indian voters in some states, Muslims as a community, were looking for alternative parties. While in West Bengal, they continued to support CPM, in Bihar and UP they shifted their support to RJD and SP respectively.
In 2011 Mamata Banerjee’s TMC came to power in West Bengal mainly on Muslim votes and Delhi also saw the Muslim-centric AAP gradually coming to power in 2013. Though NCP could never come to power in Maharashtra, it maintained its political strength as a coalition partner of ruling MVA government headed by Shiv Sena in the recent past.
The supremos of all five Muslim-centric regional political parties gave all types of indulgences and protections to create large groups of Muslims with muscle power, Islamism and money. These groups could not-only control Muslim voters, but also threaten Hindus with violence too. Muslim gang-stars and criminals like Atique Ahmed and Mukhtar Ansari (UP) to Mohammad Shahabuddin (Bihar) to Arabul Islam (West Bengal) to Nawab Malik (Maharashtra) to Amanatullah Khan (Delhi) could only flourish and grow with Islamic intent under SP, RJD, TMC, NCP and AAP.
In the case of Atique Ahmed, his links with Pakistan-based Islamic terrorist groups and ISI has come under scanner. Such links with Bangladeshi and Pakistani Islamic terrorist groups cannot be ruled out in case of other Muslim leaders of these five regional political parties.
Over the years, these Muslim-centric regional political parties created a vast network of Muslim goons and gang-stars across the country. The Muslim religious leaders, and their political leaders have also started supporting the Muslim gang stars. The majority Indian Muslims have also started looking-up to those Muslim goons and gang-stars as Ghazi (Islamic warriors who defeat Kafir). These Muslim goons and gang-stars have absolute contempt for Hindus.
They thought that Pakistan they already got and India would become Islamic in the coming days. The Indian Left-Liberal social media and Islamist journalists started glorifying the new found Islamic strength in India.
But BJP’s coming to power at the Centre in 2014 disturbed the dream of Indian Muslims to make India Islamic. With Rahul Gandhi at the helm of Congress, the party has become a dying political force in India. The process of reclaiming of Hindu civilizational pride under BJP rule in India since 2014 has shaken the Jihadi foundation of Indian Muslims in general and all Muslim-centric regional political parties in particular.
However, the TMC government in West Bengal is the strongest Muslim frontier to be conquered by the BJP. But when Hindu supremos of these five regional political parties want to destroy Hindu India for their short-term political gain, it will be an uphill task for BJP to neutralize these parties in foreseeable future.
The cacophony created by the Indian Muslims and Left-Liberal cabal on the assassination of Atique Ahmed, a politician cum hardcore criminal gang-star for forty years and having connection with ISI and Jihadi organizations of Pakistan, indicates the deep level of penetration of Islamism in India’s socio-political dynamics. BJP should better take this issue seriously.
