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“Vikas with Vishwas” – The reason for the recent saffron surge across India

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“Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas” -The main principle with which BJP government worked for inclusive trustworthy growth of every citizen. In this process of development came the global unexpected crisis in the form of corona. Corona Pandemic has caused a global devastation of lives and economies. Modi government faced the challenge with the aim of saving lives and later turning the crisis into opportunity to revive economy. Modi government gave took care of the under privileged people with utmost importance during the crisis. Actions speak for themselves. People have seen the honest and dedicated efforts of Modi government for the development of nation. In the recent elections BJP made significant gains in various states across the country. BJP made inroads into the southern state Telangana which was unexpected by many political analysts. This happened because of the honesty, commitment and hard work of the dedicated BJP karyakartas.

Recent Telangana elections – Water shed events of Telangana Politics.

Dubbaka assembly by poll result took many by surprise. No one even in dreams thought that ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) party will lose the election in Dubbaka constituency which is the strong hold of family of Chief minister K. Chandra Shekar Rao (KCR). If Dubbaka result was a surprise, GHMC election results were shocking for political analysts and media. But Telangana people were decided and were neither surprised nor shocked. Reasons are many. BJP has increased number of seats from 4 in 2016 to 48 in 2020. Seats of TRS have decteased from 99 in 2016 to 55 in 2020. The difference between BJP and TRS was a vote share of just 0.25 % accounting to a mere 8,456 seats. The vote share of BJP increased from 10.34 % in 2016 to 35.56 %in 2020 .On the other hand the vote share of TRS decreased from43.85 % in 2016 to 35.8 % in 2020.

Consistent hard work by dedicated BJP karyakartas in Telangana at ground level even when not in power enabled these results. In lockdown time due to corona pandemic, BJP all over India helped people through various activities. Telangana BJP karyakartas provided food and essential commodities to needy people, daily wage earners and migrants through programmes like “Feed the Needy”. They also provided medicines and helped people in getting medical care. They continued helping people of Hyderabad during floods. Party has been working at ground level since many years. Party encouraged hardworking, dedicated karyakartas. The example being Bandi Sanjay, grass root dedicated karyakarta, being appointed as State President.

TRS took people for granted and became a family party. KCR is chief minister and president of TRS. The son of K.C.R Mr. K. T. Rama Rao is the IT minister of state and working president of TRS. Nephew of CM K.C.R Mr. Harish Rao is the Finance minister of state. The daughter of CM KCR Smt. K. Kavitha who lost MP election was made MLC by TRS government. Many positions and posts are held by the relatives of CM KCR. The entire administration was in hands of one family like Nawab era. People who took part in Telangana agitation were side-lined along with their aspirations. The promises like two bed room flats, government jobs, money transfer for farmers, etc. made by KCR were not fulfilled. There is not much development of infrastructure like roads, canals, hospitals, schools, etc. in the state. CM KCR initially refused to take strict action on corona crisis and dismissed as a normal seasonal viral fever which gets cured by paracetamol. During lockdown also Telangana government  handled the situation in an indolent way.

Bihar Elections

The assembly elections of Bihar were held in three phases through October- November 2020. The elections gained significance as they were the first elections conducted after corona lockdown. The main contest was between National Democratic Alliance (NDA) comprising of  4 parties of BJP, Janata Dal United (JDU), Hindustan Awam Morcha (HAM), Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP) and Mahagathbhandhan (MGB) comprising of 5 PARTIES OF Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), congress, CPI, CPM and CPI – ML. It was a tough election as NDA CM Mr.Nitish Kumar was in the ruling government for 3 terms continuously and has to face anti-incumbency. Most of media and political activists analysed that MGB will win with good majority. Even the haircut of Mr.Tejaswi Yadav was projected prominently by some prominent national media. Almost all opinion polls and exit polls predicted easy win for MGB. Again, the results shocked media & political analysts, but not people. NDA won 125 seats out of 243 seats. 

BJP won 74 out of 110 seats contested with a winning strike rate of 67.27%, improving seat count by 21. JDU won 43 out of 115 seats contested with a winning strike rate of 37.3% and a decreased seat count of 28. RJD won 75 out of 144 seats contested 75 out of 144 seats with a winning strike rate of 52% and a decreased seat count of 5. Clearly people of Bihar have voted for BJP and policies of Narendra Modi government. In spite of merging as the bigger partner of alliance, BJP supported Mr. Nitish Kumar as CM as was decided before elections. This is the ethical stand of BJP party, which is rare in politics. Before elections media and political parties went on a cacophony of migrant issue in lockdown being detrimental to BJP. Post elections analysis shows that the steps taken by Modi government to take care migrants, daily wage earners and down trodden during lockdown helped the needy and played important role in the mandate.

By poll Results across India – BJP won 41 / 59 seats

In the by-elections conducted in 11 states in October – November 2020 BJP or ally swept 7 out of 11 states winning 41 out of 59 elections. In Gujarat BJP won total 8 seats. In UP BJP won total 6 seats. In MP BJP won 19 out of 28 seats. In Manipur BJP won 4 out of 5 seats. In Karnataka, BJP won total 2 seats. NDPP, ally of BJP, won 1 seat out of 2 in Nagaland.  

Local body election results

In Assam, BJP won 33 out of 40 students in Tiwa Autonomous Council elections. BJP won Panchayat and Zilla Parishad polls in Rajasthan. In Jammu and Kashmir BJP emerged as single largest party by winning 75 seats in District Block Council elections. BJP won 3 seats and made significant inroads in the Kashmir valley. BJP had an astounding victory in panchayat elections in Goa and Arunachal Pradesh.

“Vikas with Vishwas” – The only agenda of Modi Government

Modi government works along the lines of “Development with Dharma”. In six years, Modi government has launched several schemes and worked for the welfare of people from all sections of society. This year had an unexpected crisis in the form of Corona which caused devastation in all fields globally. Corona crisis was handled in a very meticulous way by Modi government protecting lives and livelihoods by launching schemes like PM Garib Kalyan Yojana , Atma Nirbhar Abhiyan, etc. BJP governments in states also worked for welfare of people. People cannot be taken for granted. Parties like congress TRS, RJD, NC, PDP etc. have taken people for granted, neglected people and encouraged corruption. Family centric politics are ephemeral in present day. Many considered these elections as referendum for the way of handling of Modi government of corona crisis and lock down. If so, definitely people have recognised and supported the honest efforts of Modi Government for inclusive development of all amidst corona pandemic.

Central subsidy through MSP, and the pampered Punjab farmers

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Let’s begin with a set of statements, which are often agreed upon in discussions on wheat production in India.

  1. Punjab produces the most wheat of any state in India, with Haryana a close second
  2. The central government fairly procures wheat from wheat producing states of India: since Punjab produces the most wheat, the central government procures the most wheat from Punjab
  3. The Punjab farmer is not unfairly subsidized by the central government
  4. No other state is paying the price for the center’s pampering of the Punjab farmer

If you agree with any of these statements, this article should be an eye-opener for you.

Let us start with wheat production in India. It comes as a shock to many that Punjab IS NOT the most wheat producing state in India. That honour goes to Uttar Pradesh. Here is the graphic that shows wheat production by state in India.

Indeed, Uttar Pradesh produces almost twice as much wheat as Punjab does. Further, Madhya Pradesh is a close third to Punjab, while Haryana is fourth. Let us look at the numbers in tabular form.

So, as we can see, UP produces close to a third of India’s wheat. Then, there is a cluster of 3 states: Punjab, MP, and Haryana, which follow UP and each produce between 12 and 18% of India’s wheat. Rajasthan follows Haryana closely, with 9%.

Let us come to the second statement. Since the central government is supposed to treat states of India equally, not one unfairly better and another unfairly worse, we might expect that the Food Corporation of India (FCI), which is the arm of the central government that actually does grain procurement, would procure rougly 30% of its wheat from UP, roughly 18% from Punjab, roughly 16% from MP, roughly 11% from Haryana and so on. That would be fair, and expected. Indeed, one would expect that if the center deviated from this, the state that suffered from the deviation would protest, and insist that the center procure its grains more fairly.

Poor states like Bihar and UP might even make the argument that “we are poor, we need central MSP more than rich farmers of Punjab, so please procure more than our share from us. That is more in keeping with the role of the center as an equal distributor of wealth.” It goes even further: MSP procurement is meant for “weaker sections of society” (FCI website). Since there are far more of such sections in states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, it makes more sense to actually empower their farmers by purchasing crop from them at a good price. Shouldn’t we be pushing wealth into these poor states at source as well, by procuring grain from them through the FCI at top prices?

But what are the facts? Is the center doing any of the above? It might shock the reader that the center procures roughly 3.5 times the wheat from Punjab that it does from India’s leading producer of wheat Uttar Pradesh! It procures a measly 37 LMT (metric tonnes) from UP, and a whopping 129 LMT from Punjab!

Government of India procurement of wheat at MSP, by state. Source: FCI website (https://fci.gov.in/).

Also, the Punjab farmer is also hugely subsidized as proportion of his produce. In other words, the Punjab farmer sells almost all (roughly 85%) of his wheat to the FCI at MSP, while farmers in other states have to settle for far less of their produce, as percentage of their produce, being acquired by the center. Recently, the Modi government raised MSP procurement price for wheat by Rs. 50 to a quintal, again most of the increased money goes to the farmer of one state. You guessed it: Punjab! You’d think with all this subsidization by the center, the Punjab farmer would be grateful to the center, but showing anger towards “Delhi sarkar” is front and center of the so-called “farmer protest.” Talk about biting the hand that feeds (subsidizes) you.

Furthermore, remember poor Bihar. Procuring wheat from it would be a great way to help the poor farmer of Bihar, don’t you think? And what does our central government procure from Bihar? Almost nothing (0.03LMT). Let’s put this in perspective. Bihar produces roughly a third of the wheat Punjab does, but gets 4300-th the MSP support that Punjab does! This is absolutely shocking.

In summary, Punjab is not the “granary” of India. If anyone should be called that, it is UP. Punjab does not “feed the country”— a boast often heard from Khalistanis. It is the center’s favoritism that allows Punjab to sell so much of its wheat to the government at top price (MSP is roughly 140% of world wheat price for third world countries). The center has no obligation to buy all its wheat from Punjab: it could easily source all of it from other states. And perhaps it should. After all, what is the purpose of this pampering? Let us face it: this is just another sop offered to Punjab to keep the “sensitive border state” at peace.

In other words, the thinking is that if the center gives all manner of subsidies to Punjab, we won’t see another terrorist movement taking off there. But this state of permanent appeasement is harmful to the country, and is grossly unfair to other states who would love to see their grain production to the FCI. It is time to examine why our central government is spending all of its tax payer generated monies on one state. Why not poor Bihar? Why not farmer-suicide plagued Maharashtra and Andhra? Why not most populous Uttar Pradesh that has 6.5 times the population of Punjab? I think we all know why: because there is no risk of a terrorist secessionist movement emerging in Uttar Pradesh, whereas there is a constant threat of such a movement re-igniting in Punjab. In India, wheat procurement is just another arm of appeasement. Is it time to change that?

Endnote: The analysis is similar for the other big MSP procured grain: paddy, and in some ways is far worse; that is to say far more skewed in favor of Punjab. Once more, Punjab is NOT the state producing the most paddy in India—that honour goes to West Bengal. However, Punjab completely dominates MSP procurement of paddy. It suffices to reproduce the statement from the ministry regarding the paddy procurement in November 2020:

“Out of the total purchase of 281.28 lakh tonnes, Punjab alone has contributed 196.13 lakh tonnes which is 69.73 per cent of the total procurement” (!!)

Soft terrorism- The new weapon designed by communists and used by opposition

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In recent times globally we have witnessed protests leading to anarchy and mayhem, so much was the severity and widespread of the protests that even a country like US was brought down to knees. India is facing this same problem. This new lethal weapon is devised by the communists all over the world under the garb of constitutional rights of a country. Earlier these communists were fueling protests using weapons but now powered by urban naxalites who are appointed from all walks of life are achieving their goals with great preciseness and planning. Now the protests become global with in days after being staged. Comrades mobilise the common man into the protests by various tactics among which fear tactic is foremost. This weapon is being sold to the opposition for using against the popular Govt. So lethal is this weapon, that it can change the whole election scenario (US General Elections), or bring down the Govt also.

So insidious is this tactic of soft terrorism is that it uses the victims as weapons to kill themselves. They are made to believe that they are sacrificing themselves for a cause and brainwashed to go to the extremity of sacrificing lives or taking lives. People having particular belief (religious, social or otherwise) are intrigued into the protests, especially the hard liners making them most lethal weapon to achieve the task of hardship on the victims even to the extent of taking their lives. (Already 25 people have died and murderers are all smiles. because more the deaths more is the success of protests, and best thing is no body can hold them responsible. Blame is to be set on the ruling party.)

The most recent example of this soft terrorism are protests against CAA where fear was instilled into the minds of Muslims and using this fear the comrades instilled gullible Muslims to sit on protests. Latest in the series is ongoing Farmers’ protest against three agriculture bills. So well organised are these protests that with in days it is highlighted on the Global stage. First the beneficiaries ( I wont say effected) are made to believe that the bills are anti farmers, by spreading false narrative. At second stage the student wing of comrades into action by making it a cultural even by way of songs and street shows. At third stage opposition swings into action by giving false statements against the bill. Side wise news anchors, intellectual cell and print media comes into action by reporting and commenting on the plight of the protesters.

None of these are trying to tell how the bills are wrong, because that is the whole idea to establish the narrative of instilling fear that bill is wrong. So much is the smartness of spreading the narrative that the very fear they are suffering from years is highlighted as the new outcome of these bills but under new garb. Farmers over the years are being exploited by the people running the Govt machinery (for passing MSP benefits in the biased manner), the Aartees (way of financing) and labour unions (using them for election vote bank). So naive are the farmers that they are made to forget this exploitation and made to imagine which has not happened and will not happen. They are made to believe which is not possible for eg. their land will be grabbed by the big houses. As far as land grabbing is concerned, it was actually happening at large scale at the hands of builders under the UPA regime. But no one made a whim because at that time the Govt and communists were both hand in gloves. Wasn’t farmers at risk when most of the farmers were lured into selling their land to builders?

Most dangerous thing about this soft terrorism is that it is supported by the people who are responsible for maintaining law and order. People died in hard terrorism also and people are dying because of soft terrorism also. But in soft terrorism the accused is not visible as it is hiding in the garb of news anchors, free lance political activists and analysts, heads of unions, people at high seats in the judicial system and law and order agencies and fingers are turned on the Govt. These people don’t fear in lying and impose lies in such force-full manner that it outshines the truth. There is no punishment for spreading lies, all you have to do is say sorry in the court. But what about the loss of lives, public property, inconvenience to the general public. Their is no accountability for that.

Its now time that new laws should be formed to establish accountability for the loss of lives, livelihood, public property due to these protests and why should not be. When any mishap happens under the jurisdiction of the institution, the head of the institution is held responsible, then why not people who are organising these protest, shall be held responsible for not ensuring the safe-guard to the lives of the people joining the protests, or the loss of property or loss of livelihood because of the these protest.

आखिर मुंबई उच्च न्यायालय ने क्यों माना की प्रवर्तन निदेशालय को सुने जाने का अधिकार (Locus standi)नहीं है!

21 दिसंबर 2020 को मुंबई उच्च न्यायालय ने प्रवर्तन निदेशालय (ED) द्वारा दायर की गयी अपराधिक याचिका (Criminal Writ Petition no. 3122/2020) पर निर्णय दिया कि पुलिस द्वारा दाखिल किये जाने वाले “क्लोजिंग (फाईनल) रिपोर्ट के विरूद्ध प्रवर्तन न्यायालय को प्रोटेस्ट पेटिशन दाखिल कर सुने जाने का अधिकार नहीं है अर्थात पुलिस की क्लोजिंग रिपोर्ट को चुनौती देकर सुने जाने का ED के पास locus standi नहीं है!

उच्च न्यायालय के आदेश को पूरा सम्मान व् आदर देते हुए आइये जानने का प्रयास करते हैं कि पहले निचली अदालत ने फिर सत्र न्यायालय नें तत्पश्चात मुंबई उच्च न्यायालय ने, फैसला किन तथ्यों और परिस्थितियों को ध्यान में रखते हुए किया!

पहले ये जान लेते हैं कि प्रवर्तन निदेशालय क्या है?
प्रवर्तन निदेशालय:- भारत सरकार के वित्त मंत्रालय के राजस्व विभाग के अधीन कार्य करने वाली एक विशेष जाँच एजेंसी है, इसका मुख्यालय नई दिल्ली में है! प्रवर्तन निदेशालय के मुख्यत: निम्न कार्य होते हैं:-

1:- विदेशी मुद्रा प्रबंधन अधिनियम 1999(FEMA) और धनशोघन निवारण अधिनियम 2002(PMLA) :-के प्रावधानों के उल्लंघन की जाँच करना व कार्यवाही करना!

2 :-FERA 1973के प्रावधानों के अन्तर्गत कार्यवाही करना!

3:- विदेशी मुद्रा संरछण तथा तस्करी गतिविधि निवारण अधिनियम 1974( COFEPOSA) के अन्तर्गत FEMA मामलों के लिये कार्यवाही करना!

4:- भगोड़ा आर्थिक अपराधी विधेयक,2018 ( The Fugitive Economic Offenders Bill :- (100 करोड़ से ऊपर वाले मामलो में) के अन्तर्गत कार्यवाही करने का अधिकार!


पृष्ठभूमि
अकबर ट्रवेल्स के द्वारा अपराधिक प्रक्रिया संहिता की धारा 156(3) के तहत दाखिल किये गये परिवाद पर निर्णय देते हुये LD. (38th) Addl. CMM Court at Bellard Pier Mumbai नें FIR पंजीकृत कर रिपोर्ट दाखिल करने का आदेश दिया था जिसके फलस्वरूप MRA Marg Police Station नें जेट एअरवेज व उसके निदेशकों के विरूद्ध भारतीय दण्ड संहिता की धारावों 406, 420, 465, 467, 468, 471, 120B,  के अन्तर्गत FIR( 66/2020) पंजीकृत किया!

चूँकि धारा 120B, 420,467, और 471 के अन्तर्गत आने वाले अपराध धनशोघन निवारण अधिनियम 2002 (संशोधित) (जिसे अंग्रेजी में Prevention of Money Laundering Act, 2002 (as amended) कहते हैं) के पैरा 1 पार्ट A के अंतर्गत भी सूचीबद्ध हैं अतः: प्रवर्तन निदेशालय (ED) ने भी ECIR ( ECIR/MBZO-II/1/2002) दिनांक 20/2/2020 को पंजीकृत किया और FEMA 1999 के प्रावधानों के अंतर्गत अपनी जाँच व अन्वेषण का कार्य जेट एअरवेज के निदेशकों के विरूद्ध शुरू किया!

इस परिवाद में यह उल्लेखित किया गया था कि श्रीमान जीवन क्रास्टा (जिनकी मृत्यु 14/5/2020 को उनके निवास स्थान पर हो गयी) जो अकबर ट्रेवल्स के “पब्लिक रिलेशन विभाग” के मुखिया थे, जेट एअरवेज के श्रीमती रूचिका सिंह (General Manager Sales) और उनके निदेशकों से संपर्क साधा, अकबर ट्रवेल्स के बकाये की राशि के लिये (जो करीब रूपये 460568036/- हैं) तो जेट एअरवेज के निदेशकों ने एक एकाउंट नं दिखाकर उन्हें आश्वासन दिया था कि वो शीध्र ही बकाया राशि का भुगतान कर देंगे क्योंकि पैसे उस बैंक एकाउंट में बकाया राशि से ज्यादा है! उस एकाउंट नं का विवरण प्रवर्तन न्यायालय की याचिका मे और पुलिस द्वारा पंजीकृत किये गये FIR में दिया गया है!

संबंधित पुलिस अधिकारी अपनी जाँच व अन्वेषण के आधार पर इस निष्कर्ष पर पहुँचे की ये विवाद अपराधिक नहीं अपितु दीवानी प्रकृति (Civil Nature) का है अत: दिनांक 09/03/2020 को अपराधिक प्रक्रिया संहिता की धारा 173 के प्रावधानों के अंतर्गत “क्लोजर रिपोर्ट (फाईनल रिपोर्ट)” न्यायपटल पर प्रेषित किया! प्रवर्तन निदेशालय जब इस तथ्य से अवगत हुआ तो उसने तुरंत पुलिस अधिकारियों द्वारा दायर किये गये क्लोजर रिपोर्ट को चुनौती देते हुए प्रोटेस्ट पेटिशन (Intervention Application CC no.17/Misc./ 2020 (28/C/2020) के रूप में) दायर किया!

इस प्रोटेस्ट पेटिशन पर सुनवाई करते हुये दिनांक 19/9/2020 को 38th LD. Addl. CMM Court Ballard Pier, मुंबई ने ये कहते हुए इसे खारिज (Reject)कर दिया कि प्रवर्तन निदेशालय को कोई सुने जाने का अधिकार नहीं है विशेषतः तब जब informant (Complainant) अकबर ट्रवेल्स स्वंय उपस्थित है|

इस 19/9/2020 के आदेश को प्रवर्तन निदेशालय ने दिनांक 3/10/2020 को सत्र न्यायालय में पुनर्विचारण अर्जी (Criminal Revision Application no. 400/2020) दायर कर चुनौती दी! मुंबई सत्र न्यायालय ने दिनांक 14/10/2020 को उक्त क्रिमिनल रिविजन ऐप्लिकेशन पर सुनवाई कर 15/10/2020 को आदेश पारित करते हुये निचली अदालत के फैसले को सही ठहराया और अर्जी को खारिज कर दिया!

सत्र न्यायालय के इस आदेश को आदरणीय मुंबई उच्च न्यायालय में भारतीय संविधान के अनुच्छेदों 226 व 227 के अंतर्गत क्रिमिनल रिट पेटिशन (Criminal Writ Petition No. 3122/2020) दायर कर प्रवर्तन न्यायालय द्वारा चुनौती दी गयी!

सुनवाई के बाद 21 दिसंबर 2020 को आदरणीय उच्च न्यायालय की एकल खण्डपीठ (Justice Smt.Revati Mohite Dere)नें प्रवर्तन निदेशालय की याचिका को खारिज कर दिया|

विश्लेषणात्मक विवेचना
Bhagwat Singh vs Commissioner Of Police And Anr on 25 April, 1985 (1985) 2 SCC 537 के केस में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने स्पष्ट किया कि:-
“हालांकि, स्थिति थोड़ी भिन्न हो सकती है, जब हम इस प्रश्न पर विचार करते हैं कि क्या घायल व्यक्ति (injured person) या मृतक का कोई रिश्तेदार, जो परिवादी (informant) नहीं है, नोटिस प्राप्त करने का हकदार है जब रिपोर्ट मजिस्ट्रेट के न्यायपटल पर प्रेषित की जाती है। हम या तो आपराधिक प्रक्रिया संहिता, 1973 के प्रावधानों से या प्राकृतिक न्याय के सिद्धान्तों से, मजिस्ट्रेट के ऊपर ऐसे किसी भी दायित्व को रोपित नहीं कर सकते, जिससे की वो किसी घायल व्यक्ति को या मृतक के रिश्तेदार को नोटिस जारी कर सुने जाने का अवसर प्रदान करे, जब रिपोर्ट उसके न्यायपटल पर विचार करने के लिए प्रेषित की गयी हो जब तक की वो व्यक्ति परिवादी (Informant) ना हो, जिसने प्रथम सूचना रिपोर्ट दर्ज कराई हो। लेकिन भले ही ऐसे व्यक्ति मजिस्ट्रेट के नोटिस को प्राप्त करने का हकदार नहीं हैं वह मजिस्ट्रेट के सामने पेश हो सकता है और वह अपना सबमिशनकर सकता है जब रिपोर्ट मजिस्ट्रेट के न्यायपटल पर प्रेषित की जाती है विचार करने व् यह तय करने के लिए क्या कार्रवाई करनी चाहिए। घायल व्यक्ति (Injured Person) या मृतक का कोई रिश्तेदार (relative), हालांकि मजिस्ट्रेट के नोटिस का हकदार नहीं है, रिपोर्ट के विचार के समय मजिस्ट्रेट के सामने पेश होने के लिए उसके पास लोकोस (locus standi) है, अगर उसे अन्यथा पता चला है कि रिपोर्ट पर विचार किया जा रहा है, यदि वह रिपोर्ट के संबंध में अपनी प्रस्तुतियाँ करना चाहता है, तो मजिस्ट्रेट उसे सुनने के लिए बाध्य है|

इस प्रकार सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने स्पष्ट किया कि ना केवल informant (FIR लिखवाने वाला) अपितु किसी भी Injured person को प्रोटेस्ट पेटीशन दाखिल करने का अधिकार है और मजिस्ट्रेट पर यह बंधनकारी है कि वो पुलिस की क्लोजर रिपोर्ट पर Injured person के प्रोटेस्ट पेटिशन पर सुनवाई करे! पर उच्च न्यायालय ने यहाँ प्रवर्तन न्यायालय की स्थिति को Injured Person की परिधि में नहीं माना ।

तो क्या प्रवर्तन निदेशालय की स्थिति यहाँ “विक्टिम” जैसी है?

Tata Steel Ltd. vs M/S. Atma Tube Products Ltd. Ors on 18 March, 2013 CRM-790-MA-2010 High Court Of Punjab And Haryana observed that आपराधिक प्रक्रिया संहिता की धारा 2(wa) परिभाषित करती है :-‘victim’ पीड़ित’ का मतलब है कि पीड़ित व्यक्ति जिसको किसी कार्य के कारण या किसी चूक के कारण हानि या चोट कारीत हुई है जिसके लिए आरोपी व्यक्ति को आरोपित किया गया है और अभिव्यक्ति ” पीड़ित” में उसके या उसकी ‘संरक्षक’ या ‘कानूनी उत्तराधिकारी’ शामिल हैं। हम सीधे तौर पर पढ़ने पर पाते हैं कि विधानमंडल ने ‘ पीड़ित’ को दो श्रेणियों में वर्गीकृत किया है i.e. (i) ऐसा व्यक्ति जिसे किसी कार्य या चूक के कारण किसी हानि या चोट का सामना करना पड़ा हो और आरोपी को जिम्मेदार ठहराया गया हो; और (ii) पीड़ित के ‘संरक्षक’ या ‘कानूनी उत्तराधिकारी’। “पीड़ित” शब्द के पहले भाग की सही समझ आकस्मिक है और इसमें निहित “हानि” या “चोट” शब्दों के वास्तविक दायरे के अधीन है। ये दोनों शब्द संहिता में परिभाषित नहीं हैं, हालाँकि, इसकी धारा 2 (y) कहती है कि “शब्द और भाव यहाँ उपयोग किए गए हैं पर परिभाषित नहीं हैं, लेकिन भारतीय दंड संहिता (45 of 1860)में परिभाषित किए गए हैं जिनका क्रमशः वही अर्थ है जैसा उस संहिता में दिया गया है “

उपरोक्त दृष्टिकोण दिल्ली उच्च न्यायालय द्वारा Ram Phal vs State And Ors. on 28 May, 2015 CRL.A.1415/2012) के केस में पुनः स्थापित किया गया है:-

The Law Commission Report cited the 1985 United Nations Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power for its definition of “victim”:

” ऐसे व्यक्ति, जिन्होंने व्यक्तिगत या सामूहिक रूप से, शारीरिक या मानसिक चोट, भावनात्मक पीड़ा, आर्थिक नुकसान या अपने मौलिक अधिकारों की पर्याप्त हानि सहित उन कृत्यों या चूक के माध्यम से नुकसान उठाया है, जो आपराधिक कानूनों का उल्लंघन करते हैं।” (Chapter XV, Paragraph 6.2).
पर यहाँ पर मुंबई उच्च न्यायालय ने प्रवर्तन निदेशालय को विक्टिम भी नहीं माना।

पर प्रश्न ये है की क्या प्रवर्तन निदेशालय जैसी एक सुरछा एजेंसी (जो सीधा भारत सरकार के वित्त मंत्रालय के राजस्व विभाग से जुडी है) को उसके दायित्वों को पूरा करने से रोका जा सकता है?, यदि मनी लॉन्ड्रिंग के अपराधों को प्रवर्तन निदेशालय नहीं जांच करेगा तो कौन करेगा? यदि जेट एयरवेज के निदेशकों ने फेमा  के अंतर्गत कोई अपराध किया है तो उसकी जांच क्या नहीं हो पायेगी? विदित हो की प्रवर्तन निदेशालय के प्रारम्भिक जांच के मुताबिक जेट एयरवेज के निदेशकों ने सैकड़ो करोड़ रुपये को विदेशों में अवैधानिक तरीके से डाइवर्ट किया है|

ऐसी कई जिज्ञासाओ के साथ मैं आपको छोड़ जाता हूँ क्योंकि आदरणीय मुंबई उच्च न्यायालय के आदेश को सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में चुनौती देने और न्यायिक अनुतोष प्राप्त करने का अधिकार अभी भी प्रवर्तन निदेशालय के पास है।

नागेंद्र प्रताप सिंह (अधिवक्ता )

[email protected]

Why & who are propagating tribals as not-Hindu?

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Now a new controversy has arisen. Across the country, debates have been erupted over tribal dominated states such as Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal and Assam. Although this is not a new issue, it is being argued that in the run-up to the 2021 census, tribals are not Hindu, so it should be recognized as a separate religion. In the Jharkhand Assembly, a resolution passed by the ruling party calling the tribal religion “Sarna Dharma”. Editorials are being written in various major newspapers, the gist of which is that the Tribals are not Hindus. They are of a different religion. A section of certain intellectuals have been working tirelessly since years to prove their anti-Hindu sentiments, which are being reflected just before the next census.

They are arguing that the Tribals have been being forced to mention as Hindu in the census, which violates their religious identity. There are options, including Hindu, Christian, Muslim, Buddhist, Sikh, etc., which provide information on a person’s religion or religion during the census. There is no alternative for the Tribals. So they were mentioning Hindu as their religion. Now it is being demanded that “Sarna Dharma” be added to that list. If those who support the campaign fail to do so, then they will propagate tribals to register in the “other” option. For example, if 4 Crore out of the country’s 10 Crore million indigenous peoples mark the “other” religion, it will lead to a debate that will force the government to recognize a new religion in the next 2031 census.

But what is the purpose behind it? Why is all this being done and who is behind it? It simply came to our notice then. In fact, the purpose of the campaign is somewhat different. First of all, to separate the Tribals from the Hindu Society to create a wall of division under the pretext of creating their own unique identity and pave the way for the creation of a terrible class struggle. Once they have been separated from their thousands of years of bonding, then those people will have the opportunity to convert the tribal peoples to other foreign religions in the future. Fact is that this strategy has already been implemented in many African countries and its benefits have gone to those religious institutions for whom religious conversion is a business. It is part of a long-running conspiracy of those missionaries. The conspiracy includes foreign conspirators as well as some so-called intellectuals who believe in a certain ideology.  

According to the 2011 census, only 0.8% of people registered or declared themselves as “other” religions. If the Tribal people think themselves as different from the Hindus, they would have identified themselves in other religions in the previous censuses. Hindus, Christians, Muslims, etc. are being weighed on the same scale while discussing this issue, which is baseless. It is said that they were now compelled to write whatever they were writing, whether Christian or Hindu. In fact, the history of Christians and Muslims in India is only 500 years old. The Tribals who now call themselves Christians, have converted in recent years.

Odisha is a land of tribes. Odisha occupies a unique position among the Indian States and Union Territories for having a rich and colourful tribal scenario. Also Odisha is land of Bhagawan Jagannath.

From the earliest times of our Jagannath culture, where was Jagannath first worshiped? It was by a Sabar Raja, a Tribal King. The tradition of Rath Yatra is thousands of years old. The descendants of the Tribal Rajas called as “Daitapati” Sevayatas in Puri Temple play an important role in the worship tradition of the temple. In the Ramayana, Ramchandra sits at Shabari home and eats. Santali, Vill, Munda, Mizo etc. all have Ramayana in their language. Not only inJagannath Temple, but also Ayapa Bhagwan of Kerala, Sabarimala, Tirupati Balaji Bhagwan of Andhra Pradesh, etc. are all connected with the Tribal culture. The local tribals are worshipers at the famous Gupteswar temple in Koraput of Odisha. Even today tribals are the main worshipers at the Maa Deuri Durga temple in Jharkhand. The tribal tradition includes the worship of the family deity, the village deity, the joint worship of the village deity, and the eating of the joint offerings, which is in the Sanatni tradition. So why are they being portrayed as non-Hindus? Who is poisoning their simple minds.  Why are they being misled by their simplicity?

All of these conspiracies are remotely abroad. Eminent researcher Rajiv Malhotra mentions such a conspiracy in his book Breaking India. Everything he wrote in his book is now slowly happening. Nature worship is an integral part of the traditional Hindu tradition. Worship of the river, the sea, the sun, the moon, the basil tree, the bell tree, etc., has been going on since time immemorial. So are the common people who worship him different from the Hindus? The method of worship may be slightly different. The difference in the method of worship is only accepted in traditional Hinduism not in any abrahamic religion. “Sarna” can be a sect like as Shaiva, Shakta, Vaishnava. But on that basis, there seems to be no basis for portraying Tribals as non-Hindus.

Who has ever opposed the nature worship of Tribals in the name of Hindu tradition? No. Local non-tribal peoples are even more involved in functions and celebration of tribals. But some so-called social activists and intellectuals who are pursuing a racket of conversion are trying to prove that nature worship is not part of Hinduism.

To get to the bottom of this controversy we have to go back to the 1800s. The British historian Max Müller first wrote the theory of the Aryan invasion, which was later intensified by the British to create divisions among the Indians, with no historical evidence included in the textbooks of the school and college history. The Aryans came to India from the shores of the Caspian Sea, expelled the natives, invaded the Dravids, and sent them to the South. The consequences of which can be seen today. The worship of Mahingshasur on the tenth day, and the worship of Ravana on Diwali, can be seen now. This is the evil effect of the Aryan invasion theory. Those who take this view often call themselves as AmbedkarBadi. In reality, however, they do not agree with Ambedkar’s conviction. They need to read Ambedkar’s book “Who Are Shudra”. He called the Aryan-Invasion theory as fake, misleading. No one came to India from the shores of the Caspian Sea. Everyone living here are native of this land.

Racism is slowly building up in society and that needs to be addressed. Those who think that Ambedkar is anti-Hindu should know that Ambedkar, who was the creator of the Constitution of India, kept the image of Rama’s return to Ayodhya in the original constitution. At a constitutional meeting on the 14th, he demanded that Sanskrit should be made the national language of India. Yes, he opposed Castes system and accepted Buddhism. It was his protest against these ill practices. However, the way in which various organizations are making controversial arguments against Hindus by keeping Ambedkar’s Photos, they are just using great national leaders like Ambedkar to fulfill their purpose. Renowned author Manoj Das in his book “India’s History – Answers to the Century Question” rejects the doctrine of Aryan aggression. Similarly, Dravid Freeley in his research has ruled out the possibility of an Aryan attack. Evidence from the skeletal DNA of an underground skeleton in Rakhigarh, Haryana, has shown that no migration has taken place from Asia to India.

Let those who call the Tribals are non-Hindus based on the British census make it clear whether they will believe the British or take the constitution written by Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Baba Saheb in the constitution had clearly mentioned who are Hindus. In the end, the government has a big role to play in protecting the culture of the Tribal and keeping their traditions intact. The whole country has a responsibility to save them.

Bio – Anil Biswal is a Senior Journalist based at Odisha. With an experience spreading over 8 years, he has been actively involved with news reporting, news analysis and managing news operations. His experience ranges from covering national and regional politics to observing public policy to producing research on cultural history. He tweets at @BiswalAnil.

Farm act: A tussle between pride and prejudice

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An old adage: justice must not only be done, it should seem to have been done. The reason is obvious – justice is supposed to be an act of genuineness and expected to create a feeling of fairness. There is little doubt that the small and marginal farmers have been under perennial stress and thus required a transformative policy to improve their status. Over the years, agriculture has become economically unviable due to various reasons. A nation which has nearly 70 percent of its population dependent on agriculture and allied activities and yet has a nearly stagnant contribution to GDP over a decade (15.96 percent in 2019) speaks volumes of the mess prevailing in the farming sector. How ironical it is, while India’s agriculture output increased several times over since independence (from 55 million tonnes at the time of independence to 295.67 million tonnes during 2018-19) it couldn’t bring satisfactory qualitative change in the farmers’ life. Thus to have the required transformation a thorough policy reform had no alternative. The long pending demand for justice to the farmers and farming sector required both a futuristic and compassionate view. It reflects in the spirit and provisions of the present act which ensures farmers’ freedom from the exploitative system of mandis and middleman and gives them access to wider market without abolishing the prevailing system of MSP and APMC. But even after having such good intentions why the farmers of Punjab and Haryana are so doubtful and jittery about it? Despite numerous assurances by the government gross misgivings about the new act persists. One wonders whether the government is not being successful in perception management or have the farmers stretched their agitation so far that now they can’t come back? Whatever it may be but this transformative act has become victim of the tussle between government’s pride and farmers’ prejudice.

APMC and MSP are the two major bones of contention. Despite repeated assurances agitating farmers think government is trying to withdraw MSP and close down APMC. This is despite government’s recent announcement that it’ll buy crops at 1.5 times of the cost of production. Beyond petty politics and vested interest experts on agriculture and macroeconomics have often cautioned against constantly raising MSP as it may push up inflation and add to fiscal deficit. Its overall adverse effect will boomerang and eventually pinch all including the farmers. However, looking at the large scale chronic distress in the farming sector the political expediency to continue the provisions of MSP can’t be questioned, at least for now. The government has reiterated several times that it does not intend to withdraw the Act. But is the policy of MSP and APMC Act really helping all the farmers in equal measure all across India?

Niti Aayog Report of 2016 titled Evaluation Study on Efficacy of Minimum Support Prices (MSP) on Farmers is an eye opener. Its all India finding reveals that in Bihar farmers know about MSP but the awareness about the time of its announcement is quite low. In Gujarat, only 33 percent of farmers know about MSP and the time of its declaration. In MP the awareness of MSP is negligible. As per the findings of the Report, in UP all farmers are though aware of MSP but they don’t know about it before the sowing season making the provision ineffective. Same is the case with Uttarakahnd. In West Bengal farmers do not sell their produce at MSP and the process is carried out with the help of intermediaries, the report mentions. In a nutshell, despite successive governments’ backing MSP still doesn’t have pan-India efficacy. For a fair insight some comparison will be necessary.

Bihar with 76 percent dependence on agriculture, repealed the APMC Act in 2006. Out of its 93.60 lakh hectare gross area, its gross cultivated area is 79.46 lakh hectare on which it produces food grains, fruits and vegetables. Ranking among the least urbanized and industrialized states, agriculture is its mainstay. It’s interesting to note that despite abolishing APMC Act Bihar’s agriculture growth 7 percent has been much higher than the cumulative national figure of 2 percent during 2018-19. The state recorded a growth of 4.14 percent in food grain production with a total production of 163.12 lakh tonnes in 2018-19. The Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) of Bihar from agriculture grew from Rs. 62067 crore in 2011-12 to Rs. 72393 crore during 2018-19. Similarly, the Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) from agriculture, fishing and forestry almost doubled from Rs. 57852 crore in 2011-12 to Rs. 109178 crore during 2018-19. The total NSDP of the state during the year was Rs. 513881 crore. In a nutshell, the abolition of APMC or the limited benefit of MSP have not created any havoc to the farming sector in Bihar. The growth rate of Bihar’s economy in 2018-19 was a striking 10.53 percent (at constant prices) and 15.01 percent (at current prices). As against that the growth of Punjab was 5.3 percent during the same year despite being a major agriculture state and having APMC and MSP in place. On all India basis Punjab, along with Haryana also tops in terms of procurement of wheat and rice by FCI. However, agriculture being a state subject states are also entitled to have their own policies. Comparisons are not meant to create conflict, but they give insight for making equitable national policy.

Governments are expected to ensure both, food security and farmers’ interest. However, it can’t be achieved without bringing fundamental policy reforms. In a country where policy reforms are few and far between, moving the nation on a higher growth trajectory is always difficult. One can’t agree more with the Prime Minister that we can’t build new century with old laws. The United Nations in its agenda for 2030 sustainable development also emphasizes the need for policy innovations for transformative change.

So, reforms can’t be pushed back. One can’t predict the outcome of this agitation but the ongoing discussions and debates have at least opened up the underbelly of the farming sector to a common man. Now he can identify the caucus, the exploitative systems, outdated policies and the vested interest groups who keep millions of our small and marginal farmers in permanent quandary. The Act just provides an alternative without demolishing the existing edifice. It may take a little while before farmers appreciate what transformation the new Act may bring to their life and how it’ll make them future ready.

(Author is a Senior Faculty of Liberal Arts at National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad. Views are personal)

Foxes and buffalo: Educated ignorant (2/n)

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In the vast grasslands of Africa was a big herd of buffalo’s. They used to wander together, eat grass, and drink from river, save themselves from predators. Life was a normal routine for them. It was a big herd of thousand buffalo and each had a different way of thinking. One day few foxes entered their herd. Few buffalo’s opposed it saying they are danger but many believed on them. Foxes promised that they are no danger and are just like them. Majority won and ten foxes were allowed to live in the herd.

Buffaloes who opposed them were termed as extremist and side-lined. Foxes had a witty brain, they started poaching young buffalo. They made them believe that you are a fox in the skin of buffalo. You should eat meat not grass. You should not engage with other buffalos. Get ready to defend the fox community.

In few months, the herd got divided into three parts. One were the foxes and their proxies. Second were the extremist buffalo and third were normal, who wanted no conflict and live life peacefully. The extremist were not good at communication but the foxes and proxies were. They made other buffalos accept that one day in a year, believing like foxes isn’t bad. It makes them feel good and safe being a minority.

One day turned into two and two into week. Week turned into month and slowly the young buffalo’s became foxes. They broke the herd and made small groups to hunt every day.

Why foxes did this? Cause for them hunting one from big herd was difficult. Even when buffalo’s believed them to be fox, they were buffalo. Small groups slowly got hunted and the herd of buffalos finished.

I certainly have no problem with you eating Christmas cake or wine. I have no problem if you want to dress yourself with red coat and hat. I have no problem if you want to believe that someone will come in midnight and gift you, though you have no chimney in your home. I have no problem if you just want to enjoy the festival.

Where I do have problem, is when you act as a brainwash. When you don’t have the knowledge, nor the willingness to know. When you fight against people, who think for you, for the foxes. Minority of a country can imitate majority but majority should not imitate minority. Foxes can try to be buffalo but buffaloes should not try to be foxes.

Know the history before you celebrate anything. Understand the history and make your mind so when you eat a cake, it’s just a cake you are eating and not the history behind it. Not a relevant point but there was Geeta Jayanti on the day of Christmas, how many of us did actually knew it? I have no problem if you remember 25 December but I have problem, when you are made to remember 25 December and forget ‘Kartik Amavasya’. If you are one of them then you are brainwashed but don’t worry, you are not alone!

Re imagining 2021 primary education in rural India based on our experiences

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At last, we are stepping away from an unprecedented 2020, a year of despair, fear, and shutdowns due to pandemic, to 2021, a year of hope and optimism with the vaccines on hand. Let us embrace a dynamic 2021 with renewed energy and will to reengineer and reimagine our future. The 2020 experiences are not even worth remembering and therefore we focus on what to expect in 2021?

Globally, the challenges will include lifting the economy, creating employment opportunities, reviving industry and businesses, and restoring the effectiveness of education, just to name a few. We focus on primary education in India based on our cumulative experiences through a U.S. based NGO, Vidya Gyan. The modest efforts of Vidya Gyan for about 5 years have been aimed at improving infrastructure and learning environment in rural government schools. While Vidya Gyan believes in, “Every Child Matters,” its greater focus has been on girl children. Having visited many rural schools, meeting hundreds of teachers and parents, and the zoom calls with teachers in 2020, I fear most about the children in post-pandemic 2021 when the schools eventually open.

India has two distinct universes of primary education- private and government schools. The former cater to relatively well-to-do families have reasonably good infrastructure, charge hefty tuition/fees, and their quality of education is perceptibly better than the government schools. On the contrary, the government schools enroll almost two-third of all students in grades 1-8 from impoverished and poorly educated families. Regrettably, these schools are neglected in India’s hierarchical political and administrative structure with little or no accountability. Thus, the children, particularly girls, in rural schools are the most vulnerable.

The government schools, perceived to offer poor quality education, have been closed since March and the teachers mandated to teach via distance learning without the training and tools. Neither the teachers nor the students had prior experience or the infrastructure to teach and learn, respectively. Most teachers used their “smart” phones, but fewer students had smartphones or a working phone with data. Anecdotally, perhaps only about 10-20% of parents in different villages had smartphones and many could not afford data plans. The following is quite instructive, and troubling, about the girls being at a greater disadvantage even if there was a phone in the family.

Girls at a Greater Disadvantage: Reportedly, the data collected from a survey of 733 students of grade 7 and 8 in 10 government schools in Bihar yielded the following:

  • About one-half of all families had no phone (28%) or had a non-working phone (21%). In other words, the students could not be reached.
  • Among the remaining half, about 38% had smartphones (and 16% other phones) which belonged to a “male” with limited access to children. About one-half of the families with smartphones could not afford an “active” data package. As a result, less than 20% of families had an active smartphone with the girl child having lesser access than the boys. Reportedly, when contacted by phone, the male figure (father, brother, or a relative) asked if they could take the survey instead of the girl child. In cases when the girl could be reached by phone, they were not as forthcoming because a male member was always present.

The conditions in rural government schools in Uttar Pradesh, where Vidya Gyan works, are no different than the Bihar experience. I surmise that access to phones for children in grades 1-5 for distance learning is significantly more restricted. The above report also cited that the girls were disadvantaged even in the case of televised educational programs because they were expected to do “domestic” chores during the TV broadcast. This is a cultural phenomenon in many rural households where parents don’t value girl education as much even in 2020.

Poor Wi-Fi connectivity and frequent power shutdowns are also detrimental factors in rural areas. Teachers were expected, perhaps directed, to write homework by hand for distribution. This is a very time consuming and arduous task. The government-mandated no contact with children for the fear of infection and asked parents to collect homework from schools. Many parents did not come because they could not leave work or simply did not appreciate the value of education. We believe that the policymakers, teachers, and community did the best they could under extraordinary circumstances. One of the teachers in the Vidya Gyan network approached us for the printer for copying the homework for distribution. Vidya Gyan gave a printer to 5 schools as a pilot and without a doubt, the distribution of printed homework increased many folds.

What to expect in 2021? Earlier reports indicated that the primary schools may reopen in January until the emergence of the new variant of coronavirus in the U.K. While, not much is known about the variant, the speculations include: it infects children more easily and spreads more quickly than COVID-19. These fears alone have sounded a global alarm and the schools may not open any time soon. This may mean a full school year (April 2020- March 2021) without traditional classroom learning for tens of millions of children in rural India. Very unfortunate indeed but keeping children safe must come first.

1.Will all students return? In my informed and optimistic view, the students in grades 1-5 will be back but a perceptible decline in grades 6-8. I am afraid that the girl children may experience a greater setback due to child-marriage and/or domestic help. The parents may have also forced older children to get into child labor. It is known that once children start making money, it is difficult to get them back to school. Thus, the post-pandemic dropout rate is likely to be higher than the pre-pandemic 2.72% in 2018-19.

2. Will they be ready and competent for the next grade? The larger issue is how much learning occurred at home during the COVID-19. The ASER data collected for decades suggest that children in government schools are generally significantly below the expected grade-level competencies in basic reading, writing, and numeracy. With little to no learning in 2020, they will perform much poorer than before. With schools closed, a systemic assessment of learning was not possible and perhaps minimal at best. Thus, a major challenge for the policymakers is to:

  • (a) Promote every child to the next grade without the minimum competencies and risk their failure in the higher grades (I know that the U.P. government has promoted children for years without the requisite competencies). OR
  • (b) Hold children back at the pre-pandemic grade level and risk mass dissatisfaction among children and possible protests by parents/families.

Obviously, neither is a good option. We suggest an out-of-the-box approach for the extenuating circumstances. The government should renegotiate teacher contracts to keep the schools open for at least 7 hours each day for 6 days/week with absolute minimum holidays. Additionally, the teachers are asked to sacrifice for the greater good of their pupils with an uncompromising assurance of “no other assigned duties” except teaching. Such conversation may be more effective under the direction of the Prime Minister committing to reimagine and reinvigorate education and economy with equal priority in the post-pandemic era. Modi has often talked about restoring India’s economy but not education. The leadership in Delhi and the State capitals must let go of “vote-bank” politics and put the greater and sincere focus on investing in children’s education and wellbeing.

3. Wellbeing of children: With schools closed for a long time, the children were isolated from their peers and thus a loss of social learning and support system. They were home alone while their parents worked. Many roamed the streets and had unstructured learning and daily routine. Reportedly, the isolation led to increased child abuse during the lockdown as the lawyers wrote to the Chief Justice of India to take sou moto notice about it. This highlights that schools are safe spaces in addition to learning centers for many children. Although the government provided the monetary value of mid-day meals and additional ration to families during the pandemic, it did not necessarily mean that children got nutritional meals. Thus, children will return to school being socially indifferent, mal-nourished, suffering from emotional issues, and in poor health. The government must provide resources to deal with these post-pandemic challenges.

4. Technology in schools: If I were to identify a plausible good outcome of COVID-19, it is the rude awakening about the criticality of technology in all aspects of our lives. The pandemic thrust the use of technology on us almost overnight with no debates and discussion. Globally, the nations and communities with access to technology came ahead of those without it. Rural India suffered significantly more than the urban areas. The government schools and offices were resource-deficient and slow to change and adapt. The year 2021 will require concerted efforts and resources to equip every school with technological tools such as computers, printers, projectors, LED panels, etc. to enable technology-assisted learning. Vidya Gyan’s simple experiment and expense of about Rs. 20,000/school for printers to select schools made a big difference.

5. National Education Policy: The policy received excellent reviews for being reform-oriented and bold at all levels of education. It will be a daunting task to implement it in phases and the devil is always in how it gets implemented in 2021 and beyond. Among other reforms, a long-overdue integration of pre-school “Anganwadi” as a continuum to primary education is most noteworthy in the present context. This alone will require huge professional development of Anganwadi workers most of whom, at best, can be characterized as “babysitters’ without the adequate credentials of a teacher. May I dare suggest that the government must make the Anganwadi integration the highest priority even if other good reform strategies must be put on hold for a few years?

In conclusion, Vidya Gyan’s efforts are modest in scale (limited to only dozens of rural government schools) but profoundly meaningful in the cumulative perspectives we have gained. In five years, we faced a fair share of frustration and lack of trust and met with resistance. We had mixed success because of the poor attitude and/or commitment of teachers, government officials, and communities, but it was worth it. With our continuous learning, we continued to experiment and reimagine new initiatives. For example, in 2020, we established computer labs in two government schools and initiated an after-school learning academy called “Super 20” in five schools. Super 20 is aimed at the holistic leadership development of 20 children with a greater focus on girls. Unfortunately, both programs have not advanced much because of the pandemic.

In 2021, our newest initiative is “Adopt a Girl Child” under which we plan to adopt about 20 girls and offer them a scholarship worth Rs. 21000 in their Sukanya Saving account opened years ago with Vidya Gyan’s financial incentive. The scholarship will be given for the next 5-6 years until they reach 10th grade. Our focus is “Beti Padhao” and change parents’ attitude toward their daughter’s education and financial wellbeing. The teachers are our valued partners and human resources in all initiatives. We push them to embrace challenges and the schools are now being rewarded with new initiatives. Vidya Gyan continues to be motivated and blessed by teachers, friends, and donors alike to make a difference- one child/one school at a time.

संघ कार्य व्यक्ति निर्माण का कार्य है, यह एक धीमी प्रक्रिया है, इसकी गति बढ़ाना सम्भव ही नहीं

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कुछ लोग संघ के कार्य की गति को लेकर असन्तुष्ट हैं। वे जब तब, इस बात को लेकर चिंताएं प्रकट करते हैं कि संघ ने ये नहीं किया, वो नहीं किया, जबकि यह प्रश्न उनके मन में आता ही नहीं यदि वे स्वयं कार्य कर रहे होते। इस देश में राम हुए, कृष्ण हुए, तो भी बाद में अव्यवस्था और बुरे दिन आये न!

देवासुर द्वंद्व एक सच्चाई है और यदि असुर न हो तो देवता निष्क्रिय होकर स्वयं मर जाएं। अतः देवत्व के दिव्यत्व के संचरण की निरंतरता भी आवश्यक है। अन्यथा अव्यवस्थाएं और दुर्गति होती रहेगी। दुर्गति का कारण निरन्तरता का अभाव है। वही संघ कर रहा है। उसके कार्यकर्ताओं की निरंतरता और सक्रियता ही उसे महान बनाती है।

संघ पर प्रश्न खड़े करने वाले निष्क्रिय निठल्ले और परिस्थितियों से विवश, नकारात्मक लोग हैं, भले ही वे #सक्रिय जैसे दिखते हैं। हजारों वर्षों के राष्ट्र जीवन में इनकी औकात ही क्या है? वेद, उपनिषद और गीता के सामने तुम्हारी एक किताब का अस्तित्व ही क्या है? सोशल मीडिया पर एक पोस्ट लिखकर कि ये होना चाहिए, वो होना चाहिए और फिर मुँह कुप्पा करके एक कोने में यह रोते रहना कि मेरी तो कोई सुनता ही नहीं!

किसी बड़े घर में अचानक आयी नई नवेली बहू कई बार समझती है कि अरे इन ससुराल वालों को तो कोई जानकारी ही नहीं, अब मैं इन्हें ठीक करूंगी, और फुनक फुनक कर ऑर्डर बजाने लगती है, ये ऐसे करो, वो वैसे करो…. और उसका मन रखने के लिए सयाने जन अपनी हँसी मन ही मन दबाकर उसका तब तक इंतजार करते हैं जब तक कि वह यथार्थ का बोध नहीं करती, और शीघ्र सुधारवादी बनने का उसका भूत उतर नहीं जाता।

हजारों वर्षों के राष्ट्र जीवन में दिव्यत्व की निरंतरता चाहिए। निरन्तरता, सक्रियता, दिव्यत्व के प्रति निष्ठा, धर्म तत्व की खोज और संस्कारों का पीढ़ी दर पीढ़ी हस्तांतरण, यही तो संघ का वैशिष्ट्य है। व्यवहारिक रूप से संघ में इसके लिए तीन मूलभूत गतिविधियां निरन्तर होती है।
1.शाखा- इसमें प्रतिदिन जाना होता है।
2.बैठक- यह साधारणतः साप्ताहिक होती है।
3.अभ्यास वर्ग- ये मासिक होते हैं।

यही वह सतत प्रवाह है जिसका नैरन्तर्य ही उसे विशिष्ट बनाता है। जिनको इनमें निरन्तर जाने का अवसर नहीं है, उनकी सलाह बकरी के गले मे लटके हुए स्तनों की तरह निरर्थक होती है। संघ उन्हें सीरियसली नहीं लेता।

किसान आंदोलन- एक पहलू

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आंदोलन क्या है सबसे पहले हमें यह समझने की आवश्यकता है! जिस समयचक्र में हम है वहाँ गुरु, ज्ञानी, वेद, पुस्तक इन सभी की मान्यता व स्वीकारता गौण हो गई है, अब तर्क-वितर्क के लिए इंटरनेट को मान्य व उचित स्रोत समझकर प्रस्तुत किया जाता है, इसी आधार पर इस समय के ब्रहम सत्य विकिपीडिया अनुसार “आंदोलन संगठित सत्ता तंत्र या व्यवस्था द्वारा शोषण और अन्याय किए जाने के बोध से उसके खिलाफ पैदा हुआ संगठित और सुनियोजित अथवा स्वतःस्फूर्त सामूहिक संघर्ष है। इसका उद्देश्य सत्ता या व्यवस्था में सुधार या परिवर्तन होता है। यह राजनीतिक सुधारों या परिवर्तन की आकांक्षा के अलावा सामाजिक, धार्मिक, पर्यावरणीय या सांस्कृतिक लक्ष्यों की प्राप्ति के लिए भी चलाया जाता है।”

यदि उपर्युक्त व्याख्या सही है तो यह भी निश्चित है की किसान आंदोलन ना केवल संगठित और सुनियोजित सामूहिक संघर्ष अपितु इसका उद्देश्य सत्ता या व्यवस्था में सुधार (सुधार की संभवाना न्गण्य इस कारण है आंदोलनकारियों का हठ व तेवर) या परिवर्तन होता है। यह राजनीतिक सुधारों (सुधारों की संभवाना न्गण्य इस कारण है आंदोलनकारियों का हठ व तेवर) या परिवर्तन की आकांक्षा से प्रेरित है व इसका एक मात्र उद्देश्य सरकार को गिराना है| एक सत्य यह भी है की शासन या व्यवस्था ने किसी तरह का ना ही अन्याय किया है ना ही कोई शोषण| अन्याय इस लिए नही की शासन ने कोई भी किसानो को लेकर ऐसे नियम नही बनाए है जो उन्हे किसी भी तरह से उन्हें बाध्य करते हों ना ही कोई ऐसी व्यवस्था बनाई हो जो किसी भी तरह से बलपूर्वक उनका कोई शोषण करती हो| तद उपरांत भी यदि कोई आंदोलन हो रहा है तो इसका कोई तार्किक औचित्य नही है केवल निष्कर्ष ही हो सकता है|

शासन के पक्ष मे एक तर्क यह भी है की यदि नई किसान नीति दमनकारी, शोषण कारी या अन्यायपूरक होती तो वह केवल कुछ किसानों के लिए क्यों होती शेष किसानों के लिए क्यों नही| इसके केवल तीन ही कारण हो सके है प्रथम आंदोलनकारी किसानो को इस नीति की समझ नही है अथवा द्वितीय शेष किसानों को समझ है अन्यथा तृतीय व अंतिम कारण यह भी हो सकता है की आंदोलन नीति के विरोध मे नही अपितु शासन व्यवस्था के परिवर्तन के लिए है|

एक विडींबना यह भी है की लोकतंत्र मे आंदोलन कहाँ तक सार्थक है क्योंकि लोकतंत्र मे शासन लोगो द्वारा चयनित होता है इसका तात्पर्य यह है की शासन किस तरह का होगा इसका लोगो को आभास होता है और उसी अपेक्षा अनुसार लोग अपने लिए शासन व्यवस्था को चुनते है! जिन्हें संभावित शासन व्यवस्था पर संदेह या विश्वास नही होता वह लोग दूसरे विकल्प का चुनाव करते है इस तरह से प्रतिपक्ष व विपक्ष एक लोकतांत्रिक व्यवस्था को पूर्ण करते हैं| जब विपक्ष आंदोलन का मार्ग चुन कर शासन परिवर्तन का प्रयास करते हैं तो यह कदापि लोकतांत्रिक व्यवयस्था के अनुकूल नही है अपितु मेरी समझ से यह राष्ट्रद्रोह की श्रेणी मे आता है, कारण यह लोगो द्वारा चुनी शासन व्यवस्था को किए गये प्रस्तावों व संकल्पों की कार्यान्वित करने से रोकता है या उसमे अड़चने उत्पन्न करता है|

एक लोकतांत्रिक व्यवस्था मे विरोध एक महत्वपूर्ण संदेश है किंतु आंदोलन न केवल अनुचित है अपितु दंडनीय भी होना चाहिए| आइए इसे एक उदाहरण से समझते हैं, अभी हाल मे ही सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के एक अभिवक्ता श्री महमूद प्राचा के कार्यालय मे पुलिस द्वारा न्यायपालिका के आदेशानुसार जाँच-पड़ताल की कार्यवाही की गई जिसका उन्होने विरोध किया तद-पश्चात पुलिस ने उनके उपर नीतिगत कार्यवाही करते हुए प्राथमिक जाँच रिपोर्ट (FIR) मे आरोपित बनाया है, प्राचा पर सरकारी कर्मचारी को आपराधिक बल का प्रयोग करके कर्तव्य का निर्वहन करने से रोकने का आरोप है। पुलिस ने इस मामले में आईपीसी की धारा 186, 353 और 34 लगाई है।

यदि श्री प्राचा द्वारा किया गया विरोध अपराध की श्रेणी मे आता है तो संभवत संगठित और सुनियोजित आंदोलन भी न्यायिक दृष्टि से अपराध की श्रेणी मे आना चाहिए|

विरोध कीजिए, असहमति जताइए लोगो के बीच जाइए अपना पक्ष रखिए और आने वाले चुनाव में अपने समर्थन में मत मांगिए, लोकतंत्र में यही एकमात्र न्यायिक व उचित शासन परिवर्तन की व्यवस्था है, इसके विपरीत कोई भी और विकल्प केवल प्रपंच है।