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Ram Mandir, Supreme Court and Munawwar Ranas of India: Decoding Ayodhya verdict

Ravi Shankar
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Ram Mandir, Supreme Court and Munawwar Ranas of India: Decoding Ayodhya verdict

Last week I heard noted poet Munawwar Rana making a highly objectionable comment on Ram Mandir verdict: “Ex-CJI Ranjan Gogoi sold himself for less than a prostitute”. I was shocked at choice of words this man had! He also said that Ayodhya verdict was not ‘justice’ but rather a ‘court order’. It’s important to remember his reaction when the verdict was announced on 9 November 2019. Munawwar Rana had welcomed it the same day : “I salute today’s verdict. The Babri Masjid had become a political issue but today this matter has come to an end…”. So, what changed in last few months? Munawwar Rana’s statement in November 2019 was more in line with the person we have known for years.

This country has seen a series of events in recent times where, if the propaganda of pseudo-secular political parties is defeated, every institution, and the persons representing those institutions, are denigrated. These political parties have nexus with many similar-thinking non-political groups of people, a nexus which has developed, flourished and perpetuated over decades of brotherhood among these stakeholders, a brotherhood which has drawn motivation from fulfilling mutually beneficial agendas. Agendas that suit their mindset, agendas that suit their ‘wrongly intended future goals’, and agendas that satisfy their male ego (remember their stand in Shah Bano case of 1985, and criminalisation of instant triple talaq act of 2019). Surprisingly, even after decades of this game, the Muslims are living in delusion that they have ‘benefited’ from these political parties. The real pictures of the community on ground say a different story. All this nexus has done to Muslims is keeping some of their leaders ‘relevant’, while ignoring the plight of millions of common Muslims.

So, coming back to Ram Mandir issue, a brief timeline of the matter will update the reader about one of the longest controversy in India’s history. Babri mosque was built in 1528-1529 by general Mir Baqi, on orders of the Mughal emperor Babur in Ayodhya. Ayodhya is birthplace of Lord Ram, the Hindu deity, worshipped by Hindus from time immemorial. Though there are no official data, Muslim invaders to India are believed to have destroyed hundreds-thousands of temples. The most prominent among them being Ram temple in Ayodhya, Kashi Vishwanath temple in Varanasi and Krishna temple in Mathura. Mathura is birthplace of Lord Krishna. These temples have been among the most revered religious places for Hindu devotees and were destroyed, totally or partially, in history. By analogy, they hold the same place in hearts of Hindus, as Mecca-Madina hold in hearts of muslims.

In the ensuing time, the location of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya became a contentious issue as it was built on top of Ram Janm Bhoomi, the birthplace of Lord Ram. The first recorded instance of conflict over the site between the two communities is in 1853, during an era of sociopolitical transition throughout India. During the British raj, separate areas of the site were set up for Hindus and Muslims. In 1949, after India became independent, idols were brought into the mosque. In the ensuing controversy, the site was closed off to both communities by the then government. Civil suits were filed in the court for ownership of the plot.

Even in post independent India, there were no serious attempts to solve the issue for a long time. Erection of a mosque over birthplace of Lord Ram for hundreds of years was something not acceptable to Hindu devotees. It was like making structure of another religion in most sacred places of Muslims, or Christians or other religions and then telling devotees of the religion to accept it. Non-negotiable, right? In 1984, movement to build a temple at the site gathered momentum when Hindu groups formed a committee to spearhead the construction of a temple at the Ram Janm Bhoomi site. In 1986, a district judge ordered the gates of the mosque to be opened after 37 years and allowed Hindus to worship inside the “disputed structure.” Remember, as I mentioned earlier, gates of the disputed structure were closed for both communities in 1949.

A Babri Mosque Action Committee was formed as Muslims protested the move to allow Hindu prayers at the site. A series of events in the ensuing years including Rath yatra, gunning down of scores of Hindu devotees in Ayodhya by the police in 1990, and failed talks between Babri Masjid Action Committee and Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) leaders, led to the demolition of Babri mosque on 6 December 1992. A commission of inquiry was set up under Justice Liberhan by the then government of India. Liberhan committee submitted its reports in 2009, almost 17 years after it began its inquiry. Its contents were not made public.Congress government ruled for a long time after independence but their attitude towards anything related to Hindu religion and tradition was casual and biased. Actions were more guided by politics of appeasement and not by “truth should prevail” and “every citizen has equal rights”  approaches.

Meanwhile, archeological evidences accumulated over time in support of Hindu’s claim over the site. Multiple excavations of various sites in Ayodhya were conducted in 1960s, 1970s, 1980s and the latest one in 2003. Dr B B Lal, who led the excavation in 1970s-1980s, wrote an article in October 1990 in Manthan magazine where he published a photograph from the excavations that he conducted at Ayodhya. This photograph showed several brickbat (broken brick pieces) heaps that he claimed were the “pillar bases” of a temple that had been destroyed by Babur.

Later in 2008, Dr Lal writes in his book titled “Rama: His Historicity, Mandir and Setu”: “Attached to the piers of the Babri Masjid, there were twelve stone pillars, which carried not only typical Hindu motifs and mouldings, but also figures of Hindu deities. It was self-evident that these pillars were not an integral part of the Masjid, but were foreign to it”

The latest excavation in Ayodhya was done in 2003 at disputed sites by Archeological Survey of India (ASI) team which mentioned presence of remains which were distinctive features found associated with the temples of north India.

This article needs a special mention of archeologist K. K. Muhammed (from ASI). He was part of the multiple excavations done at Ayodhya and has been very vocal about presence of temple under Babri mosque. Long back in 1990, Muhammed said that during excavations he had seen the remains of the temple.

The court battle for Ram Janm Bhoomi continued and reached a partial conclusion in 2010 when Allahabad High Court’s 3 judges bench read a majority verdict by 2:1 dividing the disputed land into three parts. ⅓ went to Ram Lalla represented by Hindu Maha Sabha, ⅓ to Sunni Wakf Board, and ⅓  to Nirmohi Akhara. The 3- judges bench (Justice S. U. Khan, Justice Sudhir Agarwal, and Justice D. V. Sharma) concluded that central dome of the disputed building, Babri Masjid, which was demolished by kar-sevaks on 6 December 1992, was the exact birthplace of Lord Ram “as per faith and beliefs of the Hindus”. Judges also wrote separate notes.

I shall like to quote few lines from separate note of Honorable justice S. U. Khan: “The mosque was constructed over temple ruins. For a very long time before the construction of the mosque, Hindus believed that somewhere in the large premises, Lord Ram was born.” Though he also mentioned that there was no direct evidence that Babar built the disputed structure which was a mosque; no temple was demolished to construct the mosque; and both Hindus and Muslims were unable to prove the commencement of their title over the disputed property. What was a very clear opinion of the high court was that temple remnants existed below Babri mosque. And this opinion was based on archeological evidences that accumulated over decades of excavations in Ayodhya, and not just on assumptions. 

Various parties moved Supreme Court against the Allahabad High Court judgment of 2010. Supreme Court of India stayed the High Court order of splitting the disputed site into three parts and said that status quo would remain. Case was pursued in Supreme Court by various parties. Court-appointed mediation attempts failed. After hearing every stakeholder in the case, finally, on 9 November 2019, a 5-judges constitution bench of Supreme Court gave an unanimous verdict (5-0) that the faith of the Hindus that Lord Ram was born at the demolished structure in Ayodhya is undisputed. They permitted construction of a temple at the site where the Babri mosque once stood in Ayodhya. The Supreme Court also told the central government to provide a “prominent and suitable” five-acre plot for Muslims to construct a mosque in Ayodhya.

Before the verdict was to be announced, the government and people’s voices advocated for no “joy or shock reaction” by anybody after the verdict, irrespective of the nature of the verdict. Netizens appealed for peace. The constitutional bench comprised of CJI Ranjan Gogoi, Justice S A Bobde, Justice D Y Chandrachud, Justice S Abdul Nazeer and Justice Ashok Bhushan. Judges based their judgement on archeological and other evidences. Archeologist K. K. Mohammed, who has been very vocal about presence of temple under Babri mosque based on archeological evidences he found in various excavations, says after the Supreme Court verdict : “I have been hounded by communist historians and their stories. They concocted and fabricated all kinds of things against me in these years. Today I feel vindicated. The court has given verdict on the basis of evidence provided by the ASI. This is the most perfect judgment I could ever think of ”.

Coming back to Munawwar Rana’s highly objectionable comments. The great Urdu poet questioned Ex CJI Ranjan Gogoi’s honesty and credibility and refused to believe Supreme Court’s Ayodhya verdict as “justice”. 

So, let’s delve into how else could centuries-old Ayodhya dispute end? I can think of only two alternative scenarios: First is: The case would have dragged for another century or so. Pseudo-secular political parties would have loved to drag the case for indefinite time if things were in their control. In fact, they had been doing this successfully for a long time. Second possible scenario was: The court verdict would have come as what Munawwar Rana seemed to suggest would mean “justice” for him: re-building of Babri mosque at the same site, ignoring all the archeological evidences of presence of temple remains under Babri mosque, and ignoring historical evidence that the disputed site had been the place of worship for Hindus as birthplace of Lord Ram for centuries, even before the mosque was builtA very pertinent question needs to be raised:

How rebuilding a mosque over temple remains at birthplace of Lord Ram is “justice”; while allowing Ram temple construction at His birthplace is not a “justice”, especially keeping in mind that even the mosque was earlier built on Ram temple remains? So, I shall ask this question again that I raised previously: Is it negotiable that structure of some other religion is made at place of Mecca-Madina, and muslims brothers and sisters are said to accept it? They won’t accept it today. They won’t accept it 500 years down the line. This issue looks so simple and understandable if talked in these terms.

Majority of Indians (of different religious beliefs) are happy with Ayodhya verdict. But a section of people think that combined wisdom of 3 High Court judges, 5 Supreme Court judges, experts of archeological survey of India and the archeological evidences accumulated in last 3 decades are all inferior to their wisdom. They are so much focussed in fulfilling their agendas and perpetuating their propaganda, that if you (no matter whether you are a Supreme Court judge or on other high constitutional post) don’t fall in line with them, they will start abusing and demonizing you. 

The big questions is: Are there many like the great poet Munawwar Rana who seems to be speaking not his own mind but actually on behalf of someone else? The same poet was so happy with the Ayodhya verdict that he welcomed the decision the same day. Why is he speaking a venomous language now?

अपराधी विकास दुबे पर बन रही फिल्म में थ्रिलर कम, कॉमेडी ज्यादा

shivendra
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अपराधी विकास दुबे पर बन रही फिल्म में थ्रिलर कम, कॉमेडी ज्यादा

देश के सबसे चर्चित कांड बिकरू कांड पर फिल्म बन रही है। इस कांड को लेकर सरकार पर लगातार विपक्ष ने सवालिया निशान खड़ा कर दिया। बिना समय गंवाए आइए जानते हैं आखिर क्या है पूरा कांड?

उत्तर प्रदेश में कानपुर के बिकरु कांड ने पूरे प्रदेश ही नहीं देश को भी झकझोर कर रख दिया था। 2 और 3 जुलाई की रात पुलिस की एक टीम विकास दुबे के घर दबिश देने गई थी। इसकी भनक विकास दुबे को पहले ही पुलिस से ही लग गई थी। इसके बाद विकास दुबे ने पुलिस वालों पर हमला कर दिया, जिसमें उसके कई साथी मौजूद थे। इस हमले से पुलिस के 8 जवान शहीद हो गए थे। हत्याकांड के मुख्य आरोपी विकास दुबे को उज्जैन के महाकाल मंदिर से गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया था। उत्तर प्रदेश आते समय कानपुर के पास पुलिस की गाड़ी पलट गई। इसी बीच भागने के दौरान एनकाउंटर में मारा गया।

अब इस पूरी घटना को लेकर वेब सीरीज के प्रोड्यूसर ने पूरी फिल्म बनारस में तैयार की है। इसका ट्रेलर भी सोशल मीडिया पर लांच कर दिया गया है जो कम समय में वेब सीरीज के ट्रेलर को लाखों की तादाद में लोग देख चुके हैं।

थ्रिलक कम कॉमेडी ज्यादा

प्रकाश दुबे कानपुर वाला का ट्रेलर रिलीज होने के बाद से ही लोगों ने जमकर वीडियो तो शेयर किया ही साथ ही मजाक भी खूब बनाया. लोगों के इसे एक कॉमेडी फिल्म करार दिया। लोगों का कहना है कि असलियत से इसका एकदम वास्ता तक नहीं है। फिल्म के रिलीज होने से पहले कई तरह के सवाल खड़े करती है।

फिल्म में एक्शन भी और राजनीति भी
अपराधी विकास दुबे के ऊपर बनी फिल्म प्रकाश दुबे कानपुर वाले वेब सीरीज में जहां दबंगई देखने को भी मिलेगी तो वही अपराध की दुनिया में नाम कमाने के साथ-साथ किस तरीके से राजनेताओं के करीब आया या सब भी देखने को मिलेगा। साथ ही साथ हंसी और बुध जाने वाले हिंदी वेब सीरीज में रखे गए हैं पूरी फिल्म में कानपुर में बोले जाने वाली भाषा का प्रयोग किया गया है फिल्म में बॉलीवुड एक्टर संजय मिश्रा और पंकज त्रिपाठी के साथ अपराधी विकास दुबे का एनकाउंटर करने वाले पुलिसकर्मी के रोल में आकाश गहरवार नजर आए हैं।

क्या बोले कानपुर वाले
अपराधी विकास दुबे के ऊपर बन रही वेब सीरीज के ट्रेलर को लेकर कानपुर के रामजी पाल, अतुल मिश्रा व वाचस्पति पांडे ने कहा कि ट्रेलर धमाकेदार है इसको देखने के लिए बेहद उत्साहित हूं और यह भी जानना चाहता हूं कि अपराध की दुनिया में इतना बड़ा नाम बनाने के साथ-साथ राजनीति में भी वह कैसे आ गया।

साधु, सुशांत और सीबीई

Abhimanyu Rathore
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साधु, सुशांत और सीबीई

हाल कुछ महीनों से अभिनेता सुशांत सिंह राजपूत की मृत्यु का मामला काफी सुर्खियों में है। आत्महत्या से शुरू हुई बात से लेकर हत्या के आरोप के बीच ये मामला काफी पेचीदा हो गया है। दो राज्य सरकार के बीच राजनीतिक कश्मकश जोरो पर है। इस जोर जबर्दरती में मामला उच्चतम न्यायालय तक जा पहुंचा कि पूरे मामले पर सीबीई जाँच हो।

जरिएइस पूरी उठापटक में भारत की जनता ने भी सोशल मीडिया के ज़रिए सीबीई की जाँच की माँग की और हमारे देखते देखते आज न्यायालय ने जाँच का फैसला सुना दिया।

पर इस लेख से उसी भारत की जनता से सवाल करना चाहता हूं…. जिसने पालघर में हुए साधुओ की हत्या के मामले में ऐसा ज़ोर क्यों नहीं दिखाया?? यहाँ तक की उस मामले में साधुओं की तरफ से वकील की सड़क दुर्घटना में मृत्यु हो जाती है, पर शांति बनी रही।

जैसे कंगना रनोट ने अर्नब के इंटरव्यू में बॉलीवुड को हाशिए पर लिया ..ठीक ऐसा कई लोगो ने पालघर हत्याकांड के समय भी किया। पर जनता की चुप्पी बनी रही।

सुशांत सिंह राजपूत एक उम्दा कलाकार थे। पवित्र रिश्ता के मानव से लेकर दिल बेचारा के मैनी तक हर क़िरदार उन्होंने बखुबी से निभाया। भारत की जनता के चहेते थे, तो रोष भी जायज है पर न्याय पर तो उन साधुओं और उस मामले में लगे वालिक साहब का भी अधिकार था। पूरे मामले का वीडियो फुटेज तक मौजूद था पर रोष कम, जांच की माँग कम … क्यों???

क्योंकि वो सिर्फ साधारण मानव थे, पवित्र रिश्ता के मानव नहीं। या फिर साधु हिंदू थे तो पंथ आड़े आ गया, जो एक अभिनेता के न्याय के लिए सुरक्षित रहा।

हम में से बहुत लोग सेक्युलर शब्द सुनते ही आगबबूला हो जाते है पर इस तरह के मुद्दे पर इच्छा अनुसार चुप्पी हमे भी उन्हीं सेकुलरिज्म के दंभी लोगो की कतार में खड़ा कर देती है जिन्हें हम गरियाने में एक टक कसर नही छोड़ते।

पूछता है भारत, कह कर कुछ आवाज़े आई तो 100 से ज्यादा एफ आई आर कर उन्हें शांत किया जाने लगा। आज भले ही हम चुप्पी साधे बैठे रहे पर कल हमारे घर मे सोता भारत हम से पूछेगा जरूर कि हम किस मानव के लिए खड़े हुए औऱ किस के लिए नहीं। वो हमारे चयनात्मक रवैये पर जरूर सवाल करेगा।

युवाओं के लिए ऐतिहासिक कदम: नेशनल रिक्रूटमेंट एजेंसी

Manish Jangid
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युवाओं के लिए ऐतिहासिक कदम: नेशनल रिक्रूटमेंट एजेंसी

देश के युवा को जिस दिन का इंतजार था, आखिरकार वो एतिहासिक दिन आ ही गया। यशस्वी प्रधान मंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी की अध्यक्षता में केंद्रीय मंत्रिमंडल ने नेशनल रिक्रूटमेंट एजेंसी (एनआरए) की स्थापना के प्रस्ताव को मंजूरी दे दी, जो सरकारी भर्ती में एक प्रगतिशील बदलाव है। एनआरए करोड़ों युवाओं के लिए वरदान साबित होगा, एनआरए सरकारी और सार्वजनिक क्षेत्र के बैंकों में गैर-राजपत्रित पदों जो की ग्रुप-बी, ग्रुप-सी सरकारी नौकरियों में भर्ती के लिए कॉमन एलिजिबिलिटी टेस्ट (सीईटी) आयोजित करेगा। सामान्य पात्रता परीक्षा (सीईटी) एसएससी, रेलवे भर्ती बोर्ड और इंस्टीट्यूट ऑफ बैंकिंग लाइन टेस्ट आदि द्वारा आयोजित टियर -1 परीक्षा की जगह लेगी। देश भर में होने वाली अलग अलग प्रतियोगी परीक्षा के स्थान पर एक ही परीक्षा का आयोजन होगा जिसके आधार पर केंद्र एवं राज्य के सरकारी पदों पर भर्ती की जाएगी।

कॉमन एलिजिबिलिटी टेस्ट, यह अलग अलग होने वाली प्रतियोगी परीक्षा को खत्म कर देगा, छात्रों को तनाव से बचाएंगा, अलग अलग परीक्षा के लिए लगने वाले अलग अलग शुल्क से भी निजात दिलाएगा और कीमती समय और संसाधनों का भी संरक्षण में सहायता करेगा। एनआरए भर्ती प्रक्रिया में पारदर्शिता बढ़ेगी, ना की प्रसासन के लिए बल्कि छात्रों को भी इससे आसानी होगी। राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा निति 2020 के हाथोहाथ एनआरए का गठन का फैसला “आत्मनिर्भर भारत” के संकल्प को पूर्ण करने अहम कदम साबित होगा।

वर्तमान भर्ती प्रणाली में, सरकारी नौकरियों के इच्छुक उम्मीदवारों को विभिन्न पदों के लिए कई भर्ती एजेंसियों द्वारा आयोजित अलग-अलग परीक्षाओं के लिए उपस्थित होना पड़ता है। उम्मीदवारों को कई भर्ती एजेंसियों फॉर्म भरना, शुल्क देना और फिर विभिन्न परीक्षाओं में उपस्थित होने के लिए अलग अलग परीक्षा केंद्र जाने के लिए लंबी दूरी तय करनी होती थी। एनआरए गैर-तकनीकी पदों क लिए कॉमन एलिजिबिलिटी टेस्ट (सीईटी) आयोजित करेगा, जिसमें प्रत्येक वर्ष विज्ञापित सरकारी नौकरियों में चयन के लिए विभिन्न भर्ती एजेंसियों द्वारा आयोजित कई परीक्षाओं को एकल ऑनलाइन टेस्ट में सम्मलित होगी।

हर साल लगभग 1.25 लाख सरकारी नौकरियों का विज्ञापन किया जाता है, जिसके लिए 2.5 करोड़ उम्मीदवार विभिन्न परीक्षाओं में उपस्थित होते हैं। अब इन उम्मीदवारों को एक सामान्य पात्रता परीक्षा ही देनी होगी जिसमे प्राप्त स्कोर सभी भर्ती एजेंसियों पर लागू होगा यह स्कोर तीन वर्ष तक मान्य होगा।

देश का युवा स्नातक डिग्री के साथ अपने एवं अपने परिवार के सरकारी नोकरी के सपने को पुरा करने के लिए विभिन्न प्रतियोगी परीक्षाओ की तैयारी में जुट जाता है, देश के पिछड़े, दलित आदि समाज के गावों में रहने वाले छात्र उचित मार्गदर्शन की कमी होने के कारण यह तय नहीं कर पाते है की वें किस परीक्षा की तैयारी करें, जिससे समय समय पर अपना मार्ग बदलते रहते है एवं तैयारी के लिए  विभिन्न कोचिंग संस्थानों में जाकर अलग अलग परीक्षा के लिए मोती फीस भरते रहते है एवं उसे भिन्न भिन्न परीक्षा क लिए भिन्न भिन्न पाठ्यक्रम की भिन्न भिन्न  किताबे पढनी होती है जिसके बाद छात्रों में मानसिक तनाव बढ़ जाता है। अब एक परीक्षा के लिए एक पाठ्यक्रम होगा, जिसके लिए एक तरह किताबे पर्याप्त होगी, जिससे जेब पर भार कम होगा एवं मानसिक तनाव में भी कमी आएगी एवं भर्तियो के फॉर्म निकने से परिणाम तक छात्र लम्बे समय तक इंतजार करता था अन उस समयावधि में भी कमी आएगी। समय पर सरकारी पदों पर चयन होगा।

कॉमन एलिजिबिलिटी टेस्ट की मुख्य विशेषताएं:

कॉमन एलिजिबिलिटी टेस्ट साल में दो बार आयोजित किया जाएगा।

विभिन्न स्तरों पर रिक्तियों की भर्ती के लिए स्नातक स्तर, 12 वीं पास स्तर और 10 वीं पास स्तर के लिए अलग-अलग सीईटी होंगे।  

सीईटी 12 प्रमुख भारतीय भाषाओं में आयोजित किया जाएगा। यह एक बड़ा बदलाव है अब तक केंद्र सरकार की नौकरियों में भर्ती के लिए परीक्षाएं केवल अंग्रेजी और हिंदी में आयोजित की जाती है।

शुरुआत के लिए सीईटी अंतर्गत तीन मुख्य एजेंसियों को सम्मलित किया जाएगा जो की कर्मचारी चयन आयोग, रेलवे भर्ती बोर्ड और बैंकिंग कार्मिक चयन संस्थान है, बाद में चरणबद्ध तरीके से इसका विस्तार किया जाएगा।

भारत भर में 1,000 केंद्रों में सीईटी आयोजित की जाएगी, वर्तमान में सिर्फ शहरो में परीक्षा होती आई है परन्तु अब देश के हर जिले में एक परीक्षा केंद्र होगा अब देश हर जिले में परीक्षा केंद्र होगा जिससे गावं तथा छोटे कस्बे की छात्रों को खासकर महिलाओ का अधिक लाभ होगा। सरकार द्वारा 117 आकांक्षी जिलों में परीक्षा आधारभूत ढांचा स्थापित करने के लिए भी राशि खर्च होगी। सीईटी उम्मीदवारों के शॉर्टलिस्ट होने के लिए प्रथम स्तर की परीक्षा होगी और उसका स्कोर तीन साल के लिए मान्य होगा। अथार्त उम्मीदवार एक बार परीक्षा पास कर लेगा तो ३ साल तक हर भर्ती के लिए योग्य रहेगा। सीईटी में उपस्थित होने के लिए उम्मीदवार द्वारा किए जाने वाले प्रयासों की संख्या पर कोई प्रतिबंध नहीं होगा, एक तय उम्रसीमा में छात्र जब तक चाहे तब तक छात्र परीक्षा दे सकता है साथ ही मौजूदा नियमों के अनुसार अनुसूचित जाति / अनुसूचित जनजाति और अन्य पिछड़ा वर्ग के उम्मीदवारों के लिए आयु में छूट लागू होगी।

छात्रों के लिए एनआरए के लाभ:

कई परीक्षाओं में उपस्थित होने की परेशानी को दूर हो जाएगी।

चूंकि परीक्षा हर जिले में आयोजित की जाएगी, इसलिए यह उम्मीदवारों के लिए यात्रा और रहने की लागत तथा समय को काफी हद तक बचाएगी। अपने स्वयं के जिले में परीक्षा होने से अधिक महिला उम्मीदवारों  के लिए सरकारी नौकरियों में आवेदन करने के लिए प्रोत्साहित करेगी।

आवेदकों को एक ही पंजीकरण पोर्टल पर पंजीकरण करना होगा।

परीक्षा की तारीखों के टकराव के बारे में चिंता से मुक्ति मिलेगी।

एक से अधिक संस्थानों में लाभ प्राप्त करने के अवसर मिलेंगे।

उम्मीदवारों की प्रारंभिक / स्क्रीनिंग परीक्षा आयोजित करने की परेशानी को हो जाएगी।

परीक्षा पैटर्न में मानकीकरण आएगा एवं गुणवत्ता बढ़ेगी।

विभिन्न भर्ती एजेंसियों के लिए लागत कम होगी। इससे 600 करोड़ रुपये की बचत की उम्मीद है।

सरकार ने ग्रामीण और दूर दराज के क्षेत्रों में उम्मीदवारों को ऑनलाइन परीक्षा प्रणाली से परिचित कराने के लिए आउटरीच और जागरूकता सुविधा प्रदान करने की योजना बनाई है। प्रश्नों, शिकायतों और प्रश्नों के उत्तर के लिए 24×7 हेल्पलाइन स्थापित की जाएगी।

राष्ट्रीय भर्ती एजेंसी सोसायटी पंजीकरण अधिनियम के तहत पंजीकृत सोसायटी होगी। इसकी अध्यक्षता भारत सरकार के सचिव के रैंक के अध्यक्ष करेंगे। इसमें रेल मंत्रालय, वित्त मंत्रालय / वित्तीय सेवा विभाग, एसएससी, आरआरबी और आईबीपीएस के प्रतिनिधि होंगे। सरकार ने राष्ट्रीय भर्ती एजेंसी (एनआरए) के लिए 1517.57 करोड़ की राशि मंजूर की है। व्यय तीन वर्षों की अवधि में किया जाएगा। एनआरए एक विशेषज्ञ निकाय होगा जो केंद्र सरकार की भर्ती के क्षेत्र में अत्याधुनिक प्रौद्योगिकी के साथ सर्वोत्तम होगा।

इस नीति ने युवाओ को अपने सपने पूरा करने में आसनी होगी साथ हे साथ एक भारत श्रेष्ट भारत की संकल्पना का उद्देश्य में विस्तार होगा। अलग अलग भाषा में परीक्षा होना ये अमुलचुक परिवर्तन है जो की भारत की विवधता में एकता को प्रदर्शित करेगा। स्थानीय भाषा के अध्ययन पर राष्ट्रीय शिक्षा निति में भी जोर दिया गया है इससे अनुमान लगाया जा सकता नेशनल रिक्रूटमेंट एजेंसी का गठन एक दूरगामी मुख्य कदम है। इससे नयी शिक्षा निति के पश्चात नयी रोजगार निति की उम्मीद सरकार से की जा रही थी उसी की तरफ बढ़ते कदंम का ये सदेश भी दिख रहा है। समय पर परीक्षा होने, एक हे स्कोर कार्ड से अलग अलग पदों पर भर्ती होने समय जरूरत पड़ने पर तत्काल प्रभाव से रिक्तियां भरी जा सकेंगी जिससे बेरोजगारी की समस्या का निवारण होगा। यहीं पात्रता जल्द ही प्राइवेट सेक्टर में भी लागु की जाए ऐसी मांग भी देश में उठने लगी है जिससे निजी कंपनियों में भी योग्यता के आधार पर भर्ती हो यह सुनिश्चित होगा साथ ही साथ पारदर्शिता भी बढ़ेगी।

(मनीष जांगिड़, शोध छात्र, पर्यावरण विज्ञानं संस्थान, जवाहरलाल नेहरु विश्वविद्यालय दिल्ली | ईमेल: [email protected] | Take a look at Manish Jangid मनीष जांगिड (@ManishJangidJNU): https://twitter.com/ManishJangidJNU?s=09 )

क्या इस वर्ष गया का श्राद्ध महापर्व रोक दिया जाएगा?

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क्या इस वर्ष गया का श्राद्ध महापर्व रोक दिया जाएगा?

100 वर्ष पहले पूरे विश्व में “स्पेनिश फ्लू” के कारण हाहाकार मचा था। भारत भी इससे अछूता नहीं था। भारत में स्पेनिश फ्लू से मरने वाले लोगों की संख्या का कोई निश्चित आंकड़ा उपलब्ध नहीं है किन्तु इस महामारी के कारण हुई मौतें लगभग 1 करोड़ से 2 करोड़ के बीच थीं। ऐसी भयंकर महामारी और अंग्रेजों की भीषण अव्यवस्था के मध्य भी पितृपक्ष का श्राद्ध महापर्व नहीं रुका था किन्तु संभवतः इस वर्ष पितृपक्ष का यह महापर्व रोका जाएगा। हालाँकि यह रुकने वाली प्रक्रिया नहीं है किन्तु जब शासन और प्रशासन की प्राथमिकता परिवर्तित हो जाए तब कुछ भी संभव है। मैं बिहार का निवासी नहीं हूँ इसलिए वहाँ की प्रशासनिक व्यवस्था पर टिप्पणी नहीं कर सकता किन्तु एक हिन्दू होने के कारण अपनी चिंता व्यक्त कर सकता हूँ।

सबसे पहले जानते हैं कि पितृपक्ष का यह श्राद्ध महासंगम है क्या और यह हिन्दुओं के लिए क्यों आवश्यक है।

हिन्दू धर्म में जन्म और मरण दोनों ही अभूतपूर्व उत्सवों के समान हैं। जिस प्रकार व्यक्ति के जन्म के समय अनेकों प्रकार की प्रक्रियाएं संपन्न होती हैं उसी प्रकार व्यक्ति के मरण से सम्बंधित कुछ विशेष प्रक्रियाएं हैं। धनाभाव, समयाभाव और अन्य अपरिवर्तनशील परिस्थितियों के कारण जन्म से सम्बंधित प्रक्रियाओं को कुछ समय के लिए टाला जा सकता है। जैसे बरहौं संस्कार, नामकरण संस्कार, विद्यारम्भ संस्कार और उपनयन संस्कार लोग अपनी सुविधा के अनुसार तय कर लेते हैं किन्तु श्राद्ध एक ऐसा संस्कार है जो नियत तिथियों पर संपन्न होता है।

पितृपक्ष, मृत जीवों की आत्मा की शांति एवं उनकी मुक्ति के लिए समर्पित एक विशेष समय है। पितृपक्ष में बिहार के गया में श्राद्ध का महापर्व आयोजित होता है जो 17 दिनों तक चलता है। पितृपक्ष में भारत के कोने कोने से लोग पिंडदान एवं तर्पण के लिए गया पहुंचते हैं। इस दौरान लोग यथासामर्थ्य 3 दिनों से लेकर 17 दिनों का कर्मकांड करते हैं। इसी पिंडदान की सहायता से इन लोगों के पितरों और पूर्वजों को मरणोपरांत मुक्ति प्राप्त होती है।

गया धाम में बसने वाले पंडा समाज, ब्राह्मण, स्थानीय नागरिक और छोटे व्यवसायी भी साल भर की कमाई इन 17 दिनों में कर लेते हैं।

इतिहास में पहली बार विष्णुपद मंदिर के कपाट बंद हुए हैं। हमारे इतिहास में ऐसा कभी नहीं हुआ जब हमारी परम्पराओं पर ऐसा भीषण संकट आया हो। अभी कुछ समय पहले रथ यात्रा पर भी रोक लगाई गई थी किन्तु हिन्दुओं के सामूहिक प्रयासों के कारण अंततः रथयात्रा सकुशल संपन्न हुई। अब एक बार पुनः हिन्दुओं की प्राचीनतम परंपरा रोकी जा रही है।

अब प्रश्न यह उठता है कि क्या हम इतने सामर्थ्यवान नहीं हैं कि श्राद्ध का यह महापर्व सकुशल आयोजित करा सकें?

क्या हमारा शासन, प्रशासन और अफसरशाही इतने पंगु हो चुके हैं कि उनके पास अब कोई भी मार्ग नहीं बचा जो कोरोना वायरस के संकट के मध्य गया की परंपरा को अनवरत रख सके?

क्या 21वीं शताब्दी को भारत की शताब्दी बताने वाले अपनी सहस्त्राब्दियों पुरानी परम्पराओं की सुरक्षा भी नहीं कर सकते हैं?

कहाँ है हमारा नवाचार? कहाँ है तकनीक और उसका अभूतपूर्व उपयोग?

क्या हम ऐसे ही हाथ पर हाथ धरे कोरोना वायरस के समाप्त होने की प्रतीक्षा करेंगे?

प्रतीक्षा करें भी तो कोविड19 का यह संकट 1 सितम्बर के पहले तो समाप्त नहीं होने वाला है।

तो क्या हम मान लें कि हमारी सरकारों में ऐसी विशेष परिस्थितियों से निपटने का कोई सामर्थ्य ही नहीं है?

आज परीक्षाएं होने जा रही हैं। शहर, गाँव और कस्बे सब खुल रहे हैं।

ऐसे में हम पितृपक्ष का का यह महापर्व क्यों संपन्न नहीं करा सकते?

भारत के बेहतरीन अधिकारी गया में तैनात कीजिए। तात्क्षणिक स्वास्थ्य सुविधाओं का इंफ्रास्ट्रक्चर तैयार कीजिए। लोगों से कहिए कि वो अपना स्वास्थ्य सर्टिफिकेट लेकर आएं। कुछ तो कीजिए। ट्रेन तो वैसे भी बंद हैं और प्रत्येक व्यक्ति इतना सामर्थ्यवान नहीं है कि अपना अथवा किराए का वाहन लेकर आएगा। लोगों की संख्या तो इस वर्ष वैसे भी कम ही रहने वाली है। ऐसे में हम प्रशासनिक स्तर पर बेहतर कर सकते हैं।

हमें यह याद रखना चाहिए कि सब कुछ ऑनलाइन नहीं हो सकता है। ऑनलाइन दर्शन, आरती, प्रसाद और दान-पुण्य इत्यादि तो हम कर ही रहे हैं न किन्तु गया का अपना अलग महत्व है। उस महत्व को क्षीण इच्छाशक्ति की भेंट मत चढ़ने दीजिए। सरकार के पास संसाधनों की कमी हो तो सरकार एक आह्वान करे, एक एक हिन्दू अपने सामर्थ्य के अनुसार दान करने के लिए तैयार हो जाएगा।

एक कदम आगे बढ़ाइए।

The reasons for the polarization of history, and the future of the historical narrative

Samved Iyer
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The reasons for the polarization of history, and the future of the historical narrative

I suppose for the purposes of this article that the readers have accounts on Twitter. At some point, they invariably would have encountered WhatsApp forwards being circulated as history. Drivel such as Prime Minister Nehru’s grandfather being a Mughal named Ghiyasuddin Ghazi who adopted the name Gangadhar Nehru in order to escape prosecution by the British, is but an unsubstantiated claim routinely circulated as history.

I attempt to explain this phenomenon. Bear in mind the difference between justification and explanation. Justification is the process of employing desperate fallacies in the garb of reasons in order to prove valid one’s argument that may be either critical or commendatory of an event. Explanation is the process of examining the root causes behind an event and the sequence of other events that must have led to it. I do not justify this trend, for it would be in contravention of academic principles. I merely seek to explain the causes behind this trend.

An examination of teaching history in India — modern history in particular — would evince the lack of objectivity. History has been restricted by the academia to obsequious praises of the ruling elite who formed part of the Indian National Congress. An inordinate share credit for India’s independence has been attributed to the non-violent mass movement presided over by Gandhi, and Nehru has euphemistically been depicted as nothing short of a godsend for the country.

Under no circumstances do I seek to trivialize the contributions of Gandhi to the freedom movement. For all his paradisaical notions of a classless and stateless society, there was one tenet that Karl Marx put forth correctly. That tenet is that economics is the base of all else. A penurious man, so long as he cannot feed his family today, shall care not who governs his country tomorrow. India was full of such penurious men and women, courtesy of British colonial exploitation. Having rendered most of the masses penurious and divided along caste and religious lines, it would be inane of an individual to expect them to resort to armed rebellion. It would be utopian to expect the masses to spontaneously resort to arms and rise as one against the peremptory British regime. The natural solution would have been an alternative to armed rebellion. Gandhi was certainly successful insomuch that he was also able to bring the poor masses into his mass consolidation — truly an arduous task.

Yet, there existed in parallel a steady armed movement against the British, the significance whereof must not be overlooked. Bipan Chandra et al may like to derisively dismiss the crucial role played by the naval mutiny and subsequent mutiny in the army, but the book “Bose or Gandhi: Who Got India Her Freedom?” by Major General G.D. Bakshi, replete with declassified letters written by top-ranking British officials to one another, clearly evinces the terror felt by the British at that incident.

What must further be noted is George Orwell’s observation: “Those who ‘abjure’ violence can do so only because others are committing violence on their behalf.” Gandhi could afford to abstain from violence because there were other great men who had embraced violence for the cause of Indian independence. His deification, therefore, is an abominable travesty of objectivity.

Yet, that is the precise point of error for which the academia is responsible. What could be a greater misfortune than the fact that books authored by Bipan Chandra et al which serve as grovelling hagiographies of the Congress party, remain the officially sanctioned books for the subject of Indian nationalism, as opposed to those authored by R.C. Majumdar and Sita Ram Goel?

Much of this contemporary trend can be attributed to the advent of social media, which has led to the democratization of public discourse. Bear in mind the difference between a republic and a democracy; the people elect the representatives in the former, who formulate policies on behalf of the people. The people themselves wield power in the latter. Social media has in a sense ensured the latter. No wonder, therefore, that online mob justice has become a problem. It is the people who themselves decide what trends and what does not trend. The people, however, lack the dispassionate temperament that befits an academician.

Added to that is the fact that re-investigation into history has been invigorated after 2014, ever since Narendra Modi became Prime Minister. With the emergence of new facts, one could truly not have expected the masses to accept the fabrications and omissions hitherto propagated by the academicians. It was but natural for them to be gripped with fury at having discovered the manner in which they had been lied to.

Why did the academia expect the outcome to be any different than abuses hurled at Gandhi and Nehru? Supposing that it is as intelligent as it would have us believe, how did it catastrophically fail to understand that the Indian society is highly sentimental, as a consequence whereof, all kinds of sensational claims would be given immediate attention?

For all its delusion of being the “intelligentsia”, it failed to understand the nature of Indian society. Not that we understand its complexities any better, but that the Indian society is sensationalist, constitutes very rudimentary knowledge about the propensities of Indians. The adulation of Gandhi and Nehru made them apt targets for the sensationalist right-wing masses to vent their suppressed frustration. Evidently, the academicians were not prescient enough to realize that their fabrications and omissions could keep them influential only for so long. Sooner or later, they would have lost all respect and credibility.

There is hope for this so-called right-wing — better termed the “nativist wing” in my humble opinion — which is in its emergence today. Nascent as this nativist wing is, the institutions that are arising slowly yet steadily such as Sangam Talks, The Jaipur Dialogues, Arth: A Cultural Fest, Pondy Lit Fest, The Festival of Bharat et al who adhere to the nativist narrative — rooted in India’s cultural heritage — have an incentive to stay committed to the truth. That incentive is their very survival, against the forces of status-quoist academicians, who retain control over academia even today. These institutions have voluntarily taken up the cause of repudiating the fabrications of the established and I daresay pampered academia. Ipso facto, they have no alternative to the truth.

Unlike the right-wing masses who are by and large prone to sensationalism, these institutions are characterized by unfettered rationalism. The eminent personalities they invite for panel discussions or lectures such as Sanjeev Sanyal, Dr. Vikram Sampath, Abhijit Iyer-Mitra, Dr. Anand Ranganathan, J Sai Deepak, Sanjay Dixit, Nilesh Nilkanth Oak, Dr. Manish Pandit, Sandeep Balakrishna, Anuj Dhar, Dr. David Frawley and innumerable others are all very erudite and refined personalities who have unique and profound knowledge to disseminate, rooted in historical research and indubitable scientific evidence.

I do expect the historical narrative to gradationally gravitate towards a centrist position. Eminent author Ashwin Sanghi once gave an apt analogy: the analogy of the pendulum, in order to explain such phenomena. The hitherto unidimensional propagation of history by the academia was akin to the act of pulling a pendulum to one extreme. The emergent mass contempt for it was akin to the pendulum having been released from that extreme, whereby it reached the other extreme as it was wont to do. Akin to the gradual dissipation of the pendulum’s energy would be the gradual dissipation of the sensationalism of the masses. Finally, as the pendulum shall return to the position of equilibrium, so shall the masses gradually accept balanced, nuanced history as opposed to extremes of either side.

The illusion of independence

Monodhi Ritojit
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The illusion of independence

Lament ye Hindus, for our poor, abandoned mother land. Lament for earth ancestors lived, loved, fought, bled and died on, looted by thieves, dacoits, and murderers. Lament ‘leaders’ who betrayed their own people, sheltered behind high-flying words and overwhelming state-sanctioned brute force reprisals.

Calcutta, Direct Action Day, 16th August, 1946 proved beyond doubt that Muslims would not co-exist with Hindus, yearned for return to days of Mughlas and Sultanates where a tiny Muslim colonial elite tyrannised millions of Hindus, and were eager to claim their ‘rights’ in slaughter and rapine. The Muslim run administration of Bengal watched in satisfaction as Hindu homes were comprehensively looted, Hindu women and children abducted and gang-raped, and Hindu temples defiled by cow carcasses and cow blood. Reciprocal Hindu revenge sent more Muslims to Allah than number of defenceless, poor, helpless Hindu men, women and children they slaughtered. At this point, to stop Muslims from being nailed into coffins, Muslim government intervened, called in colonial troops and declared martial law.

Sikhs had borne the brunt of Muslim genocidal horrors in the declining days of Mughal Empire. Emperor after emperor tried to exterminate Sikhs, put bounties on Sikh heads with beard and hair, hunted Sikhs with dogs and tame cheetahs, forcibly tried to convert captured Sikhs, conspired with Hindu hill Rajas and prevented them from allying with Sikhs, several times tortured and massacred significant Sikh populations and famously buried two sons of Guru Govind Singh alive in a brick wall after torturing them. Baba Banda Singh Bahadur was made to watch his Sikhs beheaded daily 700 at a time, forced to kill his young son by his own hand, blinded with cherry-red iron, tongue torn out, skinned alive, gutted, quartered, and finally beheaded – he denied his tormentors a single scream of agony.

Hundreds of thousands of Sikhs volunteered and fought in World War 2, with skill and experience they organized evacuation of their people from West Punjab in armed convoys bristling with weapons and intent. Sikhs avenged mass murder, ethnic cleansing, and temple desecration in West Punjab so successfully in East Punjab that Nehru complained to Gandhi twice as many Muslims were killed by Sikhs than Hindus and Sikhs killed by Muslims.   

In East Bengal, landed elite, administrative gentry, skilled labour, urban intellectuals, wealthy merchants, and major economic concerns were almost exclusively Hindu. Rats deserting a sinking ship, this class as a whole fled to Calcutta, Assam, Tripura and other places in India, often to equally established relatives, assured of warm welcome and speedy assimilation in high society. Left behind were millions of poor Hindu sharecroppers, unskilled labourers, urban and rural menially employed, fishermen in riverine Bengal, and vibrant communities thriving since ancient times.

Wave after wave of anti-Hindu pogrom by Muslims they had called neighbours and friends yesterday, comprising wholesale abduction, gang-rape, forced conversion and enslavement of Hindu girls and women, massacre and extermination of male Hindu population, seizure of land and property, and constant threat of death and dismemberment drove this enormous multitude – helpless, haunted, horrified, herded and hectored, into India. Gandhi prayed at Noakhali, and fasted at Calcutta. Muslims were welcome to stay in secular India, many prospered; Hindu rights to ancestral homeland washed down to Bay of Bengal on Padma and Meghna waters red with Hindu blood.

Colonial India was systematically bled dry of wealth and industry by British Raj, who destroyed traditional food grain agriculture to grow indigo and opium, causing huge famines; bankrupted and drove to extinction India’s world-renowned traditional textile industry; stifled India’s shipbuilding yards and international commerce, effectively sinking India’s merchant marine fleet; refused capital to Indian entrepreneurs; flooded markets with subsidised British factory manufactures; prohibitively taxed Indian manufactures; and even levied taxes on salt.

Some industrialisation initiated when British government realised it needed means of war production away from destructive reach of other modern European industrial powers like Germany. A few dynasties of wealthy mercantile oligarchs were carefully planted and nurtured. A significant amount of British war material in two World Wars came from India, and these pet tycoons took over thousands of mines, factories, workshops, infrastructure, equipment, millions of almost-captive labourers, restricted markets with lucrative monopolies, and billions of pounds worth of surplus production when British left. Of course, uninterrupted enjoyment of fortunate windfall was impossible without substantial payment to khadi clad demagogues eager to experience economic benefits of independence.

British Indian Army was largest volunteer armed force on planet at World War 2 end, credited with saving British nation by British general Clade Auchinlek. Victorious against Germans and Italians in North Africa and Italian campaigns, they defeated fanatic Japanese assaults in pivotal Battle of Kohima, re-conquered Burma, decimated enemies in Malaya campaign, and conquered Persia, which secured land route for lend-lease supplies to Soviet Union. This army was chopped up like cabbage by delighted British officers who confidently predicted imminent all-out warfare among former comrades-in-arms in gleeful anticipation.

Indian National Army veterans, who gloriously fought and suffered 26,000 soldiers martyred for Indian Independence in some of most savage battles of entire Second World War, were banned from joining what remained after religious amputation of Indian military on 15 August 1947. Naval ratings who overthrew British tyranny in Bombay, 1946 were not only prohibited employment in Indian Navy, but also denied freedom fighter pensions by Indian government. This was a ‘condition’ of ‘independence’ stressed by Mountbatten and supported by Nehru in document titled ‘Transfer of Power’.

Indian military was further degraded and destroyed in Kashmir conflict, 1947. Jinnah treacherously sent Pakistan Army regular troops into Kashmir because his Pathan tribesmen, masqueraded as Kashmiri ‘freedom fighters’, failed to capture Srinagar, being otherwise occupied with loot of peaceful Kashmiri populations – Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, Sikh and Christian. Indian Army and a fledgling Indian Air Force performed transportation miracles, delivered troops to battlefields at prohibitive altitudes over formidable terrain, kept them supplied, provided close air support by bombing and strafing, and overcame handicaps of rudimentary infrastructure in savage no mercy no prisoners fighting to rescue Nehru’s homeland from Muslim clutches. On verge of victory, driving Pakistani troops before them in rout, Indian soldiers were ordered to halt in place because Nehru did not believe in military confrontation. Under British and American advice, he took Kashmir issue to brand-new United Nations which imposed a ceasefire, created Line of Control and Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.  

Foreign currency reserves of British India were on Indian soil and Home Minister Sardar Patel understandably reluctant to hand over hundreds of millions of pounds to Muslim Pakistan as per Partition Agreement. Donating untold wealth to virulent enemy nation engaged in active shooting war, certain to use donated wealth to purchase advanced weapons and ammunition for use against own soldiers was stupid, suicidal and utterly unthinkable. Gandhi started a fast unto death to bully Indian government into doing exactly that and succeeded, proclaiming it ‘victory of dharma’. Hindu rage and reaction against this last betrayal in an extensive list by self-proclaimed prophet – senile, deranged, obstinate, intensely egotistical, perverted incestuous paedophile, and intolerant of any criticism – was dubbed ‘militant Hindu Nationalism’, loudly discredited, politically outlawed, and violently suppressed.

We may think we are independent, but we are not. Jawaharlal Nehru and his dynasty have treated India and Indian people like private patrimony; secured Muslim vote bank through shameless favouritism; shackled Hindu aspirations to true freedom, liberty, and rights; betrayed Hindu and Indian interest in return of foreign charity called ‘developmental aid’; ignored state-sponsored slaughter of Hindus in East and West Pakistan; jeopardised National Security against foreign enemy nations, and even refused to properly honour Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose for fear of irritated former colonial overlords.

Muslims understand this is an existential struggle. Since 1947 Muslims on our soil have been screaming ‘Haske lia Pakistan, larke lenge Hindustan.’ Four wars failed to teach us Hindus lesson of Blood for Blood – pray we do not drown in our own blood after the fifth.

National Education Policy 2020: A policy for new India

Ravi S Gupta
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National Education Policy 2020: A policy for new India

“All the wealth of the world can not help one little Indian village if people are not taught to help themselves. Our work should be mainly educational, both moral and intellectual.” – Swami Vivekananda.

Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay introduced English education in India in 19th Century. Driven by the need and structure of colonial economy, the purpose of that educational system was to produce Babus who could think with the Englishman’s mind and act as a bridge between the colonial masters and the Indian subjects. Though after Independence, the country embarked on a major exercise of sharing up its educational infrastructure with the establishment of universities and research centers, the framework of colonial educational system was not tinkered with. This put in a place an educational system which was not in tune with the consciousness of a resurgent nation trying to create a place for itself in the community of nations.2 India has made educational policies in the year 1968, 1986 (educational policy of 1986 was later modified in 1992) and now the National Educational Policy 2020 (NEP 2020), approved by the Union Cabinet on 29th July 2020, is truly the first public policy document in the post- independent India. The NEP 2020 is the first attempt in modern India to re-look at the educational system that we inherited from our colonial masters.

Main Features of the National Education Policy: 2020

The policy places a welcome emphasis on a holistic, learner centered, flexible system that seek to transform India into a vibrant knowledge society. It rightfully balances the rootedness and pride in India as well as acceptance of the best ideas and practices in the world of learning from across the globe. The new policy aims for universalisation of education from pre-school to secondary level with 100 percent Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) in school education by 2030 and aims to raise GER in higher education to 50 percent by 2025.

I. The Policy expands the scope of foundational education, increasing the school-going years from 3 to 18 instead of the prevalent 6 to 14. This will enable more holistic development of children in the formative age group of 3-6 years.

II. NEP 2020 will bring two crore out of school children back into the main stream.

III. A much discussed stipulation in the NEP stresses that the medium of instruction until at least fifth grade (preferably eight grade) will be in a regional language that is recognised as being native to India. This a welcome step, as mother tongue plays a highly critical role in the overall development of the child. Mother tongue, which a child hears from the moment he or she is born, provides personal identity, connects with culture and is crucial cognitive development.

IV. The 10+2 structure of school children curricula is to be replaced by a 5+3+3+4 curricular structure corresponding to ages 3-8,8-11,11-14, and 14-18 years respectively. It will include 12 years of schooling and three years of Anganwadi and pre-schooling.

V. National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) will develop a national curricular and Pedagogical Framework for Early Childhood Care and Education (NCPFECCE) for children up to the age of eight.

VI. NEP 2020 calls for setting up of a National Mission on Foundational Literacy and Numeracy by the Education Ministry. States will prepare an implementation plan for attaining universal foundational literacy and numeracy in all primary schools for all learners by grade 3 by 2025.

VII. A National Book Promotion Policy is to be formulated.

VIII. All students will take school educations in Grades 3,5, and 8 which will be conducted by the appropriate authority. Board exams for Grades 10 and 12 will be continued, but redesigned with holistic development as the aim.

IX. A new National Assessment Center, PARAKH (Performance Assessment, Review, and Analysis of Knowledge for Holistic Development), will be set up as a standard-setting body.

X. NEP emphasises on setting up of Gender Inclusion Fund and also Special Education Zones for disadvantaged regions and groups.

XI. Every state/district will be encountered to establish “Bal Bhavans” as special daytime boarding school, to participate in art-related, career-related, and play-related activities. Free school infrastructure can be used as Samajik Chetna Kendras.

XII. A common National Professional Standards for Teachers (NPST) will be developed by the National Council for Teachers Education by 2022, in consultation with NCERT, State Council for Educational Research and Training (SCERTs), teachers and expert organisations from across levels and regions.

XIII. State/Union Territories will set up independent State School Standards Authority (SSSA). The SCERT will develop a School Quality Assessment and Accreditation Framework (SQAAF) through all stakeholders.

XIV. NEP 2020 aims to increase the Gross Enrollment Ratio in higher education including vocational education from 26.3 per cent in 2018 to 50 percent by 2035 and aim to add 3.5 crore new seats to higher education institution.

XV. An Academic Bank of Credit is to be established for digitally storing academic credits earned from different Higher Education Institutions so that these can be transferred and counted towards final degree earned.

XVI. Public and private higher education institutions will be governed by the same set of norms for regulation, accreditation and academic standards. XVII. The National Research Foundation will be created as an apex body for fostering a strong research culture and building research capacity across higher education.

XVIII. Affiliation of colleges is to be phased out in fifteen (15) years and a stage-wise mechanism is to be established for granting graded autonomy with NCERT.

XIX. A comprehensive set of recommendation for promoting online education consequent to the rise in epidemics and pandemics in order to ensure preparedness with alternative modes of quality education whenever and wherever traditional modes of education are not possible has been covered.

XX. NEP recommends setting an Indian Institute of Translation and Interpretation (IITI), National Institute for Pali, Persian and Prakrit, strengthening of Sanskrit and all languages department in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), and use mother tongue/local language as a medium of instruction in more HEI programmes.

XXI. Internationalisation of education will be facilitated through both institutional collaborations, and student and faculty mobility and allowing entry of top world ranked universities to open campuses in India.

XXII. Policy aims to achieve 100 per cent youth and adult literacy.

XXIII. The Center and the States will work together to increase the public investment in Education sector to reach 6 per cent of the GDP at the earliest.

Challenges and Suggestions for Proper Implementation of National Education Policy: 2020

Teacher Skilling: Teaching is one of the low-paid professions in India with and average teacher earning around 200,000 per year.4 Given these constraints, experimental learning, and concept oriented teaching, versus the currently prevalent printed content-oriented teaching will be tough. Until the structural constraint in teacher remuneration is not corrected in the education system, the NEP implementation in the spirit and the form will stay challenged.

Legal Issues: The policy has been criticised due to the legal complexities surrounding the applicability of two operative policies namely The Right To Education Act, 2009 and the New Education Policy, 2020. Certain provisions such as the age of starting schooling will need to be deliberated upon, in order to resolve any conundrum between statute and the recently introduced policy in longer run.

Role of UGC and AICTE: The contours of NEP is expected to revise the regulatory avatar of the Higher Education Commission of India (HECI) being set up with a wide role in Indian higher education. The HECI is likely to have four verticals under its umbrella, including: a) National Higher Education Regulatory Council, intended to be a single point regulator for the higher education sector; b) Higher Education Grants Council, which will be tasked with carrying out funding and financing of higher education; c) National Accreditation Council, which will deal with accreditation of institutions; and d) General Education Council, the final vertical, is expected to have a more academic based-role, as it will frame expected learning outcomes for higher education programmes. Foreign universities coming into the country will also fall under the purview of this framework. While the Universities Grants Commission and the All India Council for Technical Education have played a major role in this direction until now, questions pertaining to the role of the UGC and AICTE remain unanswered under the new policy.

Schooling in Local Language: A system that promotes meritocracy, equal opportunity and equity is good, but there lies a gap between theory and practice. In addition to this, the NEP elucidates the need of homeschooling and multi-language learning whereby until 5th grade and in exceptional circumstances, no later than 8th grade, the mode of education shall be in mother tongue/local language of the student. Despite the all-encompassing facade of the new policy, its success shall be put through a sceptical lens with rising concerns for students during higher education and their professional journeys. It is problematic in the light of the right of the people to move from one state to another since the inter-state movement shall result in the change of the local language and the mode of education. Regional language along with English language would be a good idea as the English language is a window to the world and every child from foundation should be focused to learn English.

This NEP was long overdue, it has commendable vision but its potency will depend on whether it is able to effectively integrate with the government’s other policy initiatives- Digital India, Skill India and the New Industrial Policy to name a few in order to effect a coherent structural configuration. States and the Union Government have to work together to make the change happen in the classrooms. If implemented well, this policy is the way forward to make India a thriving knowledge hub. While NEP aims to increase public investment in education from current 3.1% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), we must have a time frame for this to be implemented. I hope that all stakeholders will lend their whole hearted support in the effective implementation of the policy.

Param Vaibhamam- The Sanatan destination

sukhdev1979
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Param Vaibhamam- The Sanatan destination

Our society has to face innumerable invasions from the most barbaric races. Even in the dark hour of rule of Aurangzeb, a great martial saint like Samartha Ramdas was constrained to lament that an incarnation of the Almighty could save Hindu society from total annihilation. Even today adharmic elements are having their hey days. But our society survived all these grave crises. Again and again it has risen from the ashes and established the reign of righteousness.

The concept of Param Vaibham of the Hindu Rashtra must be properly comprehended. Western countries have the highest national objective of attainment of superpower status. But Bharat’s Param Vaibhav is pre-ordained Jagad-Guru-Pada. Bharat is eminently suited to play this role-Bharat with Sanatana Dharam as its referent and ‘All is one’ as its ultimate realisation.

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar observed, “Only brotherhood can protect freedom and equality. This brotherhood is also called social oneness.It is humanity, it is Dharma.” In Bunch of thoughts by Shri Guruji Gowalkar on the philosphy of RSS, one can listen to the voice of’World mission of the Hindu Rashtra.’ To seek harmony among the various and diverse characteristics has been our special contribution to the world thought.

The ancient spirit is not dead. The spirit which has survived all the shocks of centuries of aggression is bound to reassert itself. Let us remain true to our dream of re-instating our Bharat Mata as the cultural Guide of the world.Let us prepare ourselves for that historic mission regardless of the time and energy that may be required to dedicate.

Challenges to education sector post COVID-19 lockdown

manvendra17
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Challenges to education sector post COVID-19 lockdown

Post COVID-19 lockdown in India, Healthcare is the most talked about concern followed by Economy and related aspects. Something which we do not seem to be concerned with is education and the impact of this pandemic on the stakeholders. Decision makers aren’t giving the required attention to the importance of tough and immediate decisions in the academic arena. Economy is something which responds quickly (in such situations) and shows signs of revival as and when situation improves. Since too much is being talked about it, I would shift directly to the current and upcoming challenges being faced by students of schools and colleges (both public and private) and the institutions as well.

Students are away from their campuses and schools for about 6 months now and their academic life can be understood by
1)Totally idle
2)A little bit of online classes namesake but not helpful
3) Proper online classes with syllabus, material and exams.

Since the majority lies in category 2, we can conclude that not much is going on with the learning part. Most of the colleges haven’t taught more than 2 months in the semester (Jan-Feb) but have flooded the students mailboxes with demands of assignments and submissions just to keep them involved and keep up the sense of activity. As per normal academic calendar, it should have been the Term 1 exam of another class (in schools) or mid sem exams of new semester in colleges but in reality, end sem exams of previous sem are still pending and school kids have been promoted to the next class with no further learning or serious teaching.

This has not only affected the entire year or 2 semesters but lot a more. Due to late declaration of class 10,12 and graduation results and considering the current academic stagnation and financial crunch, most students have postponed their academic plans to next year an taken an year gap(as per what I’ve seen and heard). Now, in that case, the students who’re naturally going to pass out next year will obviously seek admissions in new colleges for further studies and in addition to that, there will be so many students from the batch of 2020 as well to compete for admissions next year. This will increase the level of competition in government institutions since the seats are fixed and can’t be stretched drastically and in the case of private institutions, job losses, salary cuts, failed businesses will have already discouraged the lower middle class families to further educate their children. This will lead to massive number of students either dropping out of colleges or dropping the idea of higher education. Such students will go out to seek jobs in an already dead and devastated job market. Or in best case if we’re ready to anyhow accommodate these students in our colleges in 2021, there will be double number of students out in the job market exactly in the years of 2023 and 2024(Considering 2 year PG and 3 year UG).

The students who are currently enrolled in colleges aren’t in a condition to pay their fees (5000-1lakh/sem in case of most govt. colleges and 80k-3 Lakh/sem in case of most pvt colleges). Some students are anyhow managing to pay the fees just to save their seat/degree and prior investment and a few have to drop out of college.

The colleges and schools who aren’t receiving regular fees are facing huge difficulties in paying salaries, maintaining infrastructure, acquiring IT infra for online classes, paying EMIs or other routine expenses. They do not have much scope of fee relaxation either (let’s talk practically) or they’ll collapse.

As a student who’s attending proper online classes with books, e-books, proper exams, good internet connectivity and all the required equipments, I still disapprove of online classes as an alternative. 6-7 hours of clases a day; 2-3 hours of daily research for projects, ppts, reports; reading e-books and PDFs on screen itself; attending class group meets online makes it a total of 12-14 hours of screen time a day and that’s 6 days a week. You’re locked inside your home and everything is running at its own pace. This not only causes eye pain, headache, tiredness, postural pains but has a very negative impact on your mental health as well. And this is not me, this is atleast 200-300 students whom I’ve interacted regarding the productivity of online classes.

On the other hand, Government of India has asked banks to give loans to MSMEs so that they revive and create jobs. Now the question is, MSMEs aren’t able to Pay the installments of existing EMIs and are burdened by moratorium, they’re finding it better to shut their businesses and sit home rather than pulling more loans. Job losses and salary cuts have made it impossible for people to make the two ends meet and pay their regular installments of home/car loans. The banking sector is in huge huge danger. If lockdown continues and economic/academic activities do not resume, the impacts will be disastrous beyond anyone’s imagination.

It’s time to unlock. COVID-19 is here to stay. Government should focus on strengthening the Heath infra and increase testing and treatment and try to being all other things on track asap without waiting for vaccine or a miracle. For every other sector, alternative methods need to be worked upon. And in a country as huge as India, we the people will have to take this as a “Jana Andolan” or peoples movement to bring back our normal.

Writer is a JNU alumnus and an MBA student at ICFAI University, Hyderabad.

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