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Changes in labour laws – Kaal is the issue

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Doing business at ease in India has been an issue for a long time. It was cumbersome on the part of an employer to follow huge number of laws, some of them were practically difficult to comply with. So, most of the establishments were not following many laws by “managing” with enforcement authorities. Thus, many laws were on papers only, workers were not getting the benefits. The bitter truth was, you cannot do business in India without telling lie. So, there was a long standing demand from industries and investors for a reform in the labour laws.

Although, the Second National Commission on Labour had recommended consolidation of more than 40 labour laws in 2002 itself, as it found these laws were complex to implement, the Modi Government took initiative to work on it in 2014. It decided to bring in four codes by converting 44 Central Labour Laws. These are Wage Code, Industrial Relations Code, OSH (Occupational, Safety & Health) Code and Social Security Code. The Wage Code was passed in August’19 and the remaining three Codes are passed now amidst controversies.

Leaving aside the controversies, let us see what the major changes are.

The companies with up to 300 workers have been allowed to have its own set of rules for service conditions. Earlier the service conditions were governed by Standing Orders, now it is not required for this category of Companies. Moreover, these Companies don’t have to take permission from Government for retrenching workers and shutting down plants. But, this will not go down well with workers as it will restrict their job security.

Unions will now have to give 60 days’ strike notice. Earlier it was 14 days, that too for public utility services. Moreover, if proceedings are pending before a labour tribunal or the National Industrial Tribunal, workers cannot go on a strike for 60 days after they are concluded. Flash strikes are also outlawed. This will be beneficial for employers, because, politically driven labour unions were often seen coming in the way of smooth business operations. But, since labour union’s rights are curbed this too will be objected to.

The new Labour Codes fixes the maximum daily work limit at eight hours, which was twiddled with by some State Governments during this pandemic.

Women will be entitled to be employed in all establishments for all types of work and in case they are required to work in hazardous or dangerous operations, the government may require the employer to have adequate safeguards in place prior to employment.

The Codes promises universal social security for both organised and informal workers as well as gig and platform workers. The government shall formulate and notify, from time to time, suitable welfare schemes. It can use corporate social responsibility funds or any other such source as may be specified in the scheme. It lays down the provision of setting up of a National Social Security Board to recommend to the central government suitable schemes for unorganised workers.

These are guidelines only, much to be done by Central and State Governments to introduce various schemes. It remains to be seen whether or not these schemes will really touch the most vulnerable section of workers, i.e., migrant workers.

Moreover, tapping of CSR fund for this welfare schemes will defeat the very purpose of CSR fund under Companies Act, which is meant for development of nearby community of the actual business operations of a Company.

These Codes further provide for one labour return, one licence and one registration to make compliances simple. As per the existing system, a Company has to maintain eight registrations and four licences to run a business under the existing labour laws. Besides, they have to file eight labour returns, including to the EPFO, ESIC and Chief Labour Commissioner.

These changes will really ease out doing business, so far as compliances are concerned, and workers will not be affected.

A Contractor will have to take one license only to supply labour which is a change in positive direction. At present a Contractor has to take multiple licenses for multiple establishments.

Another positive change is, a Contractor does not have to take a license if he engages up to 50 labourers, earlier the threshold was 20.

As per the new Codes, provisions will be made for employees working in establishments employing less than 20 for Provident Fund contributions. Earlier the eligibility was minimum 20 employees for covering an employee under PF.

Most of the above changes are going to help in doing business at ease which will eventually attract investors, including FDI. Only concern is, elimination of Standing Orders and elimination of labour unions’ interference for establishments employing up to 300 workers will not go down well with people as it will hinder job security of the workers. This is a debatable point, because, business ethics of most of the employers are questionable and there is every likelihood that these employers will misuse this provision.

On the other hand, it is also important to take the people into confidence while going for this massive overhauling of labour laws, although it was long pending. People in India do not want to go for private jobs as it’s not having job security, it’s not appealing. So, people spend time, money and energy to get a government job. This pandemic has made lakhs of people jobless, all of them from private sector only. People are keeping their fingers crossed worrying about their future. Adding fuel to the fire we are giving free hand to Companies to fire employees. People cannot take it easily, because their mental condition is not conducive for this at this moment, when negativity is all around. The Government could have waited for a few months or a year to announce these changes to take all the stakeholder into confidence. Probably they have missed our age old decision making mantra, Sthaan – Kaal – Patra, where Kaal was not right.   

25 सितम्बर/जन्म-दिवस एकात्म मानववाद के प्रणेता दीनदयाल उपाध्याय

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25 सितम्बर/जन्म-दिवस एकात्म मानववाद के प्रणेता दीनदयाल उपाध्याय

सुविधाओं में पलकर कोई भी सफलता पा सकता है, किन्तु अभावों के बीच रहकर शिखरों को छूना बहुत कठिन है। 25 सितम्बर, 1916 को जयपुर से अजमेर मार्ग पर स्थित ग्राम धनकिया में अपने नाना पण्डित चुन्नीलाल शुक्ल के घर जन्मे दीनदयाल उपाध्याय ऐसी ही विभूति थे।

दीनदयाल जी के पिता श्री भगवती प्रसाद ग्राम नगला चन्द्रभान, जिला मथुरा, उत्तर प्रदेश के निवासी थे। तीन वर्ष की अवस्था में ही उनके पिताजी का तथा आठ वर्ष की अवस्था में माताजी का देहान्त हो गया। अतः दीनदयाल का पालन रेलवे में कार्यरत उनके मामा ने किया। ये सदा प्रथम श्रेणी में ही उत्तीर्ण होते थे। कक्षा आठ में उन्होंने अलवर बोर्ड, मैट्रिक में अजमेर बोर्ड तथा इण्टर में पिलानी में सर्वाधिक अंक पाये थे।

14 वर्ष की आयु में इनके छोटे भाई शिवदयाल का देहान्त हो गया। 1939 में उन्होंने सनातन धर्म कॉलेज, कानपुर से प्रथम श्रेणी में बी.ए. पास किया। यहीं उनका सम्पर्क संघ के उत्तर प्रदेश के प्रचारक श्री भाऊराव देवरस से हुआ। इसके बाद वे संघ की ओर खिंचते चले गये। एम.ए. करने के लिए वे आगरा आये,पर घरेलू परिस्थितियों के कारण एम.ए. पूरा नहीं कर पाये। प्रयाग से इन्होंने एल.टी की परीक्षा भी उत्तीर्ण की। संघ के तृतीय वर्ष की बौद्धिक परीक्षा में उन्हें पूरे देश में प्रथम स्थान मिला था।

अपनी मामी के आग्रह पर उन्होंने प्रशासनिक सेवा की परीक्षा दी। उसमें भी वे प्रथम रहे, पर तब तक वे नौकरी और गृहस्थी के बन्धन से मुक्त रहकर संघ को सर्वस्व समर्पण करने का मन बना चुके थे। इससे इनका पालन-पोषण करने वाले मामा जी को बहुत कष्ट हुआ। इस पर दीनदयाल जी ने उन्हें एक पत्र लिखकर क्षमा माँगी। वह पत्र ऐतिहासिक महत्त्व का है। 1942 से उनका प्रचारक जीवन गोला गोकर्णनाथ (लखीमपुर, उ.प्र.) से प्रारम्भ हुआ। 1947 में वे उत्तर प्रदेश के सहप्रान्त प्रचारक बनाये गये।

1951 में डा. श्यामाप्रसाद मुखर्जी ने नेहरू जी की मुस्लिम तुष्टीकरण की नीतियों के विरोध में केन्द्रीय मन्त्रिमण्डल छोड़ दिया। वे राष्ट्रीय विचारों वाले एक नये राजनीतिक दल का गठन करना चाहते थे। उन्होंने संघ के तत्कालीन सरसंघचालक श्री गुरुजी से सम्पर्क किया। गुरुजी ने दीनदयाल जी को उनका सहयोग करने को कहा। इस प्रकार ‘भारतीय जनसंघ’ की स्थापना हुई। दीनदयाल जी प्रारम्भ में उसके संगठन मन्त्री और फिर महामन्त्री बनाये गये।

1953 के कश्मीर सत्याग्रह में डा. मुखर्जी की रहस्यपूर्ण परिस्थितियों में मृत्यु के बाद जनसंघ की पूरी जिम्मेदारी दीनदयाल जी पर आ गयी। वे एक कुशल संगठक, वक्ता, लेखक, पत्रकार और चिन्तक भी थे। लखनऊ में राष्ट्रधर्म प्रकाशन की स्थापना उन्होंने ही की थी। एकात्म मानववाद के नाम से उन्होंने नया आर्थिक एवं सामाजिक चिन्तन दिया, जो साम्यवाद और पूँजीवाद की विसंगतियों से ऊपर उठकर देश को सही दिशा दिखाने में सक्षम है।

उनके नेतृत्व में जनसंघ नित नये क्षेत्रों में पैर जमाने लगा।1967 में कालीकट अधिवेशन में वे सर्वसम्मति से अध्यक्ष बनायेे गये। चारों ओर जनसंघ और दीनदयाल जी के नाम की धूम मच गयी। यह देखकर विरोधियों के दिल फटने लगे। 11 फरवरी, 1968 को वे लखनऊ से पटना जा रहे थे। रास्ते में किसी ने उनकी हत्या कर मुगलसराय रेलवे स्टेशन पर लाश नीचे फेंक दी। इस प्रकार अत्यन्त रहस्यपूर्ण परिस्थिति में उनका निधन हो गया।

जांबाज पुलिस

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जांबाज पुलिस की कार्यवाही! IPC का सेक्शन 295A। दोषी कौन है। कोलकाता के गेस्ट हाउस से मदरसा के शिक्षकों को क्यों निकला गया? बुकिंग था कि नही! क्या गेस्ट हाउस में रूम खाली था या नहीं? जाँच का विषय है। निसंदेह धार्मिक आधार पर भेदभाव नही होनी चाहिए। परन्तु जांच होने से पहले ही गिरफ्तारी? सतारुढ़ दल और पुलिस हमेशा से ही इस सेक्शन का फायदा उठती रही है।
सेक्शन दुरुपयोग और जांबाज पुलिस की करवाही पर रचित एक गाथा।

जांबाज पुलिस

अखबार के मुख्य पृष्ठ पर छपे शीर्षक “मदरसा शिक्षकों को गेस्ट हाउस से निकाला” पढ़ कर मैडम जी का खून गरम हो गया।
भद्रलोक संग अभद्र व्यवहार! शालीन व शिष्ट गुरुओं के साथ रंग-भेद! कुलीन विचार व अहिंसा के प्रवर्तकों पर जुल्म! अत्याचार! बस क्या था ? मैडम जी का गुस्सा सातवें आसमान जा पहुँचा।

“अमार सोनार बंगला! दुष्टों मानुसदेर काज काखूनों बर्दास्त करा जाबे ना! कालप्रिट(culprit)!” –मैडम की दहाड़ से गोरा बाज़ार पुलिस हेडक्वाटर गूंज उठा। आला अधिकारियों के रोंगटें खड़े हो गए। मैडम जी का ऐसा गुस्सा पुलिसवाले पहले कभी नही देखे थे। नथुना फूलकर सेब की तरह लाल हो गया था। गले की तनी हुई नसें भी साफ दिख रही थी। पुनः जोर का चीत्कार– “विरोधीदलेर लोक!बीजेपीर गुंडा! पुट डेम बिहाइंड द बार राइट नाउ!” पुलिस अधिकारी सर झुकाएं कांप रहे थे। सारा बदन पसीने से लथपथ। मानो सांप सूंघ गया हो। काटो तो तनिक भी खून नहीं।

अगले ही पल शहर के सभी थानों के रेडियो वायरलेस और फैक्स मशीन थर्रा उठे। करकराहट में सब कुछ खो गया — “अल्फा! चार्ली! ओवर! पूरी पुलिस फ़ोर्स लगा दो। ओवर! कलप्रिट भागने न पाए! ओवर!”

देखते ही देखते शहर की सड़कें पुलिस वाहन से पट गयी। सायरन की गूंज से सारा शहर सिहर उठा –हुऊऊ…. हुऊऊ…. हुऊऊ……..!
टुऊऊ…टुऊऊ…टुऊऊ…!
कोय ….कोय…. कोय…!
कलप्रिट की छिपने की पूरी कोशिश नाकाम। भागने के सारे रास्ते बंद। और लीजिए! महज चंद घंटो में पुलिस ने शानदार बहादुरी दिखाते हुए चारों दुष्टों को धर दबोची।
कलप्रिट के हाथों में हथकड़ी और पैरों में बेड़िया जकड़ दी गयी। धर्मद्रोही! अल्पसंख्यकद्रोही! बापी दास , कलटू हलदर, गौतम सेन और तपन मजूमदार! क्या मजाल की अब ये तनिक भी हरकत कर सके। कलप्रिट निरीह प्राणी की भांति गिड़गिड़ा रहे थे–“सार! टीचरदेर बुकिंग छीलो ना। द्वितीय अतिथिदेर अग्रिम बुकिंग करा हयछीलो।” पर इनकी सुनता कौन? “अमार दोष नाय। आमी निर्दोष।”

“मैडमजी! मिशन सक्सेसफुल! चारों कलप्रिट पुलिस हिरासत में! “–बड़े अधिकरी ने गर्व से बोला।
“दारुण! अनेक भालो ! टीच देम गुड लेशन! सो दैट नो बॉडी विल ट्राय टू डिस्टर्ब कम्युनल हार्मोनी इन बंगाल! मा माटीर मानुस ! जय बंगला! अमार बंगला! सोनार बंगला! विश्व बंगला!” मैडम जी ने फोन रखते हुए लंबी गहरी सांस ली।

मैडमजी का गुस्सा अब शांत हो चुका था। नथुना और तनी हुई नसें सामान्य अवस्था मे आ चुके थे। चेहरे पर खुशी लौट आयी थी।
अखबार और न्यूज़ चैनलों में कोलकाता पुलिस की बहादुरी और हैरतअंगेज कारनामों की सर्वत्र जय जयकार होने लगी। न्यूज़ चैनलों पर घमासान मचा हुआ था। पक्ष विपक्ष में चर्चा जोरों पर थी। “देश की जांबाज पुलिस” रात आठ बजे! NDTV प्राइम टाइम में देखना न भूले– कबीश के साथ! खबर वही जो सच दिखाय! अर्ध्यझूठ को सच बनाय!

“हमारी पुलिस ने वीरता का कार्य किया है! जांबाज अफसरों ने जान पर खेल कर इन गुंडों को आरेस्ट किया है।” TV स्क्रीन पर मंत्री महोदय का इंटरव्यू फ़्लैश हो रहा था। “कलप्रिट पुलिस को चकमा देने की कोशिश कर रहे थे परन्तु हमारे बहादुर जवानों के चंगुल से बच पाना मुश्किल था। मंत्री जी पुलिस की प्रशंसा करते थकते नही। “पुलिस वालों की जितनी भी सराहना की जाय कम है!”

“देखिए! कालप्रिट गेस्ट हाउस के संचालक है। इन लोगों ने मदरसा से आये शिक्षकों को अपने गेस्ट हाउस में ठहराने से मना कर दिया। धार्मिक रंग-भेद का गंभीर मामला है”–अगले “टाइम्स ऑफ कोलकाता” के मुख्य पृष्ठ पर पुलिस कमिश्नर का इंटरव्यू।
“क्रिमिनल ब्रीच ऑफ ट्रस्ट! डेलिब्रेट मालिशस एक्ट! IPC सेक्शन 295A, 298, 406,34 …….में केस दर्ज कर जांच चल रही है।”

पत्रकार के दूसरे प्रश्न के जवाब में कमिश्नर साहब बोले– “बीजेपी और आरएसएस के एजेंट पाए जाने पर सख्त कार्यवाही होगी। बुकिंग था कि नहीं यह जांच का विषय नहीं है! धार्मिक आधार पर भेदभाव बर्दास्त नही होगी। “नो बॉडी विल ट्राय टू डिस्टर्ब कम्युनल हार्मोनी इन बंगाल! मा माटीर मानुस! जय बंगला! अमार बंगला! सोनार बंगला! विश्व बंगला! जय कोलकाता पुलिस।”

Farooq Abdullah interviewed by Thapar

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After watching the former J&K Chief Minister, Farooq Abdullah’s interview by Karan Thapar, I couldn’t believe the sense of entitlement and arrogance of the Abdullahs, Muftis as well as some of Kashmir’s mainstream politicians. It was interesting to witness liberal prejudice that Karan Thapar exhibited while framing his questions. Mr. Abdullah called Modi-Shah as fascists for abrogating article 370. He probably forgot that article 370 was abrogated not just by Modi and Shah but by majority in both houses of India’s parliament after due discussion/debate and Indian President signed the bill. Was Mr. Abdullah calling members of parliament as well as Indian President fascists for abrogating article 370? Does Mr. Abdullah understand that it is India’s sovereign right to give as well as take away special right to states whenever it wants? Even the architect of article 370, Pandit Nehru had described it as temporary and transient with full understanding that it will be abrogated in the future.

Mr. Abdullah was visibly peeved and upset that PM Modi didn’t give him a clue about the shape of things to come when he met him a couple of days before August 5th, 2019. Does Mr. Abdullah expect that PM Modi to divulge confidential details of his Government’s moves? One of Karan Thapar’s question was revealing where he asked Mr. Abdullah about almost all of J&K Governor’s advisors, Chief Justice of the high court and police chiefs being Hindus in a Muslim majority territory. Of course, Mr. Abdullah seized the opportunity to tell the viewers that as the CM of J&K, he would distribute high level jobs between Hindus, Muslims etc. so that there was balance. The point to remember here is that the question itself smacks of Muslim appeasement since merit and boss’s trust are two basic criteria that ought to matter and not caste or religion. After all, are the people of J&K hung up on bureaucrats’ religion or how efficiently appointed officials resolve peoples’ issues and make their life comfortable? Ultimately, public servants must be gauged on delivery of results and not on their caste or creed. One of the questions from Karan Thapar dealt with demographic change that Modi government is trying to bring about in J&K by giving domicile certificates to outsiders. One must remind Mr. Abdulla that Kashmiri Pandits’ genocide took place under his watch and he didn’t do anything to stop it.

These same people are accusing Modi government of demographic change when all that is being done is to grant residency permits to long time resident of J&K irrespective of religion. Shameless J&K politician will invite Rohingya refugees to settle in Jammu but won’t allow a Hindu Doctor or professor working in Kashmir valley for several years. How do they envision J&K’s progress without allowing professionals and business people from the rest of India to settle in the state? Hopefully, this will give you a glimpse of the sense of entitlement and arrogance of J&K’s politicians. The height of their intolerance is that these politicians still don’t want to talk about safe return of the Pandit families who fled from the valley in 1991. It is easy to see who is communal in Kashmir.

Dilemma of human rights in Kashmir Valley

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I was in the middle of my Yoga session this morning, when I heard my trainer speak to someone in Kashmiri; “Bu Kya Hekh Karith?” It was not a deliberate eaves-dropping but as a rare departure from her calm demeanour; her words were loud enough to break the silence of the meditation. An ardent follower of Yoga, she was a Kashmiri settled in Delhi for over three decades now. 

Despite the glut of literature available on Kashmir, as I start to write about the subject I feel confused, blank and under-informed. Over the last five years, I have been able to interact with some major stakeholders on the issue, including Kashmiri Muslims and Kashmiri Pandits, military officers and politicians. All of them have felt victorious and defeated at some point. A Kashmiri Muslim feels let down by both India and Pakistan, being used as a pawn by the politicians and exploited by the military. Almost everyone has been left embittered by the loss of loved ones in immediate or distant families. However they also share the guilt of 1990s when the Kashmiri Pandits had to leave their homeland in large numbers. Very few seem to understand why and how it happened, but many of them do lament the events. Kashmiri Pandits still feel the pain of their exodus which is etched fresh in their memories. They are also resentful about the pathetic state of their homeland and can’t fail to empathise with their Muslim brethren. Caged as well as culpable; this is how most of them describe their situation.  

The military men who dot the roads and landscape of Kashmir are on the frontline of the battle whose script and action plan is chalked out in Delhi. They soak their hands in blood while following the government’s orders. They have been deployed to capture and pin down entities who pose a threat to the state. They shoot and oft times get shot down. They are heroes for the Indian state, just as local militants may appear to be, for some Kashmiris. In Kashmir’s beautiful hamlets, young boys are moulded into militia – “freedom fighters” as the locals like to label them. Sometimes by choice, and at times, by force the youth are compelled to pick up arms and stones. It’s a choice between “shameful death” for refusing to fight for the motherland or eventual “martyrdom”. Everyone feels wronged as well as guilty in varying degrees, and these conflicting emotions tend to motivate their future choices. Some stay back and some leave for a better life. But no one seems to have moved on.

I asked my yoga trainer how she feels about the Kashmir issue. “Is Jung me kisi ki jeet nahi hogi…” It’s a lost battle, she meant. Those who have lived in the valley long enough to sink in its ethereal beauty have seldom escaped the bloodshed, grief and mourning. Happiness seems to elude the valley today but such situations teach people to live in present. “In between the battles and gunfire, they steal moments and find reasons to celebrate”, she said reminiscing the memories of a wedding she had attended in Kashmir last year. While everyone seems to be tired of the violence, the optimism and opportunism of politicians across the border is high. Both feel the same way, “Kashmir hamara hai!” (Kashmir belongs to us). Both sides are trying to win over people domestically and sell their narratives internationally. Both resort to violence and both vouch for peace. Seemingly, all they want is to rest in peace, but so far the road to peace has taken way too many people to their graves!

Supreme Court issues notice in a plea filed by Facebook VP against Delhi Assembly panel summons

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The Supreme Court on Wednesday issued a notice in a petition filed by Facebook India and its vice president and managing director Ajit Mohan, challenging September 10 and September 18 notices by Delhi assembly panel which is probing “deliberate inaction on the part of (the) social media platform to apply hate speech rules”.

A bench comprising of Justices Sanjay Kishan Kaul, Aniruddha Bose and Krishna Murari also ordered the Delhi Assembly panel not to hold a meeting with respect to the issue till further orders. 

The court ordered the matter to be heard on October 15.

The petition filed argued that the subject matter investigated by the Delhi Assembly panel falls under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Union Government and a state legislative assembly has no locus standi to coerce witnesses to appear or provide evidence on such issues.

Delhi Assembly Panel had no locus standi to bring action against Facebook: Defence counsel Harish Salve

Senior counsel Harish Salve representing the Facebook VP argued that the Right to Speech under Article 19(1)(a) provides a provision of right not to speak and the panel forcing Mohan to appear before the house panel with a threat of penalty is a violation of the fundamental right of his free speech.

Questioning the Delhi Assembly’s authority to bring action against the Facebook VP, Salve said, “Issues relating to communal riots are not within the powers of the Delhi legislative assembly. Police and public order are not under the powers of Delhi assembly. The committee has no authority of law to deal with these issues.”

Advocate Mukul Rohatgi, representing Facebook, said that the root of the matter is that the legislative committee is not a court of law and it has no power of adjudication. Rohatgi pointed out that the Delhi Assembly panel was not a competent authority to issue summons and threaten breach of privilege on non appearance.

The Delhi Assembly panel was represented by advocate Abhishek Manu Singhvi argued before the bench that Mohan was called only as a witness and that there would no coercive steps for non-appearance. However, Justice Kaul noted that the notices sent by his client did not reflect the submissions made by him in the court. The court asked Singhvi to remedy the notices and deferred the matter till October 15.

Facebook snubs Raghav Chadha’s summons

Earlier on September 15, Facebook India had snubbed the summons issued by the Delhi Assembly’s ‘Peace and Harmony Committee’, led by AAP’s Raghav Chadha, asking them to testify before them. The summons was issued to Managing Director and Vice-President Ajit Mohan over complaints of ‘deliberate inaction’ by Facebook against alleged hate speech that ‘culminated in the Delhi riots’. 

In its statement, Facebook India had declined to attend the hearing of the committee, citing that they have already testified before a Parliamentary Standing Committee in early September for ‘safeguarding citizen’s rights’.

The myth of mythology

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Recently one of the most important events in the collective memory of Santana Dharma over the last millennium was celebrated as the Bhoomi Poojan of the temple at the birth place of Shri Rama. After an agonizing wait of about 500 years and countless sacrifices of millions of devotees of Shri Rama, has this event finally fructified. While it might seem that rebuilding the physical edifice of the temple structure is being celebrated, but in reality it is the idea that the civilizational symbols that are important to the people of this ancient land actually matter and can finally be resurrected. Physical destruction maybe a little easier to revive but the subjugation of the mind is what takes the actual toll.

While the brutal oppression by the invaders over the last 800 years has disfigured our cultural symbols but the seventy years of independence with a colonial education has deeply scarred the very psyche of this great civilization. We the people of Santana Dharma have been made to feel like an inferior civilization by falsely making it sound as superstitious and unscientific. Once the roots are cut, it is much easier to uproot the tree. This is what our so called modern and deeply falsified history written by invaders and furthered by our leftist cabal has done to us. What the invaders could not accomplish in the 800 years of repeated genocides and brutal tyranny is very systematically being done by the Nehruvian education which has delineated our people from our great cultural ethos, values and our true history.

Recently after the trust for Shri Rama Janma Bhoomi Kshetra was setup, as a token of my participation in this momentous occasion I wanted to donate some money to the trust. So I went to the official website of the trust to get the bank details. After accomplishing that, I started wandering around the website and reading about the other information provided on the trust site. I scrolled down further and saw the important places of visit in Ayodhya and came across the water well associated with Mata Sita which was used by her during the time of “Ram Avatara”. But what disturbed me was the description written about the place.

The content curator of the site had written “this place as per the ‘mythology’ was used by Mata Sita”. If it is just a myth, what was the whole struggle for centuries to get back the land associated with the birth of Shri Rama then for? We have had the Hindu stalwarts criticizing Congress party who gave an affidavit in the courts claiming that the Shri Ram and hence “Ram Setu” is a myth and here you have the official website of the temple trust claiming the place associated with Shri Ram and Mata Sita to be part of mythology. Unwittingly you are further propagating the same leftist/western view that our “Puranas” are nothing but mythology.

I immediately sent a mail to the admin of the website explaining him the anomaly and the anguish it will cause to the devotees of Shri Rama. I did not get any response but I kept checking the website if they had changed it. Unfortunately for more than a few months after that it continued to carry the same erroneous text.

But recently when I checked again, the text has finally been taken out and now they have removed the English text altogether and replaced it with just a “Shloka” associated with the place and brief description in Hindi. Thereby maybe avoiding any such frivolous translations and hence any confusion.

My point of writing this article is not to point fingers at the trust and their sincerity but to actually show how deracinated we Hindus have become. Unwittingly certain narratives have been fed to us and those have become the actual truths for us. Otherwise how does an institution that was created to protect a civilizational symbol in the first place end up negating the very same symbol? I do not see this as an intentional or a deliberate action. But you can clearly see how the Indic psyche has been fed certain narratives and it instinctively shows up maybe even inadvertently.

Even in a small organization when any content is pushed to the net it goes through a couple of reviews before it finally gets posted for public consumption. I am sure considering the importance and sensitivity of this trust, its content would also have been vetted by some functionaries. And even after that if it gets passed through with this anomaly only show’s how deep our indoctrination is, that even the multiple reviews miss it out.

Someone had done a research about Bollywood over the last 40 or 50 years. And the results of that research are out there on the net for people to read and understand. The disturbing part of the research is how the narrative is set and continuously drilled into the psyche of people to normalize it as part of their regular thinking even when the actual facts are contrary to what is shown. While this research does a detailed analysis with the data points from the film content and the actual societal facts but it does not take a genius to understand how narratives are set and how it is propagated in various mediums.

I am sure many people who closely follow politics, news and academia can see through the mendacity of this narrative creation. But an unsuspecting and a simple man who is fed this on a regular basis starts to believe it to be actually a fact and even joins in propagating it further.

One keeps constantly hearing that we have survived 800 years of brutality and yet continue as a civilization while all other ancient civilizations have perished, therefore we will continue to survive in future too.

Firstly, let me tell you that we have survived as a civilization so far because our ancestors despite of incomparable brutality were entrenched in their faith and culture and carried the Santana Dharma in their hearts even while their bodies were wilted by the invader’s barbarism. They sacrificed their lives but kept the spirit of Santana Dharma alive in their minds and that has resulted in the survival of our civilization so far. But in the last 70 years we have been constantly fed wrong history, culture and value system in the garb of modernization. In effect it has deracinated the Hindu mind of its cultural roots. In a few decades from now, like the progenies of every other civilization we will live albeit our glorious connection.

Finally, civilization’s ultimate goal is flourishing and thriving in all its glory including science, culture and philosophy. But if survival of a civilization becomes an end in itself, it is beginning of the ultimate decay.

So, if we as the inheritors of this great Santana civilization don’t act now in reestablishing our connections to the past, our future is doomed like all other civilizations that have perished before us.

Does contingency/continuity plans are meant for businesses only

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Gone are the days when Schools were considered NPO’s (Not-for-Profit Organizations). If we exclude, Affordable Schools, Public Schools, etc., most of the Commercial Schools are money-making, profitable businesses. And all the businesses are expected to have a contingency plan or Business Continuity Plan which outlays the blueprint to safeguard “Going Concern” during a crisis. And thanks to these plans that businesses are thriving and surviving during these tough times as well.

But the question over here is– “Why don’t schools have BCP at place?”. Aren’t they scared of the uncertain environment?

The announcement of Lockdown in March led all these profitable businesses to fell flat on their faces. Their preparedness was negligible. What could have gone right if the Schools had one such plan for their rescue –

• It was easier for them to conduct open book exams, etc. through online mode. (except for Board exams). Lockdown in march hampered the Annual Exams of most of the schools. A well-designed Open book exam through online mode would have helped with the evaluation and session restart.

• Teachers across the country have tried their best to get acquaint of the various online platforms as soon as possible. They were quite resilient in embracing the new normal. However, the challenges faced by Teachers/facilitator show the Schools’ seriousness in training the Teachers. If schools had a plan, teachers’ training would have started earlier.

• Pre-COVID, only the high-end expensive schools were using some ERP and Learning Management Systems. It took time for most of them to have one LMS platform, to begin with. The concerns were mostly around the per-student cost, whether the current fee structure is enough to cover that cost, adequate infrastructure (laptops, Tablets, Smartphones, Connectivity) etc. These would have addressed at much early stage.

• Having a BCP converts the contingency into expectation. Routine mock runs help in change management as well. But not possessing one, simply means having blind-spot for uncertainty. Thus, in such cases, change management becomes difficult.

• The much critical issue than disrupted education was, panic among Parents & Students. A confident, well inform school with a plan in hand would have provided enough comfort to Parents. But most of the schools were unable to cope with it. The outcome was enraged Parents and Overdue fees.

In a nutshell, the current chaos was controllable to a certain extent with little preparation from Schools’ side. We understand the applicability of “Easy to say, but hard to do” here. But that shouldn’t be cited as an excuse to escape. Going forward, any organization whether For-Profit or NPO should have such plans in hand. I hope this pandemic proves to be a great lesson for all organizations. Because one thing is for sure – Uncertainty is the only certainty!

किसान, फसल और राजनितिक दखल

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मेरे देश की धरती सोना उगले, उगले हिरे मोती मेरे देश की धरती” लगभग पांच दशक पहले लिखे गए गुलशन बावरा के ये शब्द आज भी देशवासियो को गांव, खेत, खलिहान और किसान के उस भावनात्मक जुड़ाव को याद दिलाते है जो कभी न कभी हम सब का अतीत था। ये एक ऐसा अतीत है जो सुखद था और संपन्न भी। शहरीकरण और आधुनिकता के इस दौर में हमारे पास अपनी हर जरुरत को पूरा करने के कई विकल्प है। चाहे वो कही आने जाने के लिए यातायात के साधन हो या फिर सर्दी या गर्मी से बचने के लिए विशेष यंत्र। चाहे वो दुनिया से जोड़ने वाला कंप्यूटर हो या शारीरिक कष्टों से लड़ने की चिकित्सीय सुविधाएं। पर एक चीज़ जो न कभी बदली न कभी बदल पायेगी। जिसका कोई विकल्प ना बना है ना बन पायेगा। वो है अनाज, जो हमारी भूख को मिटाता है। ये अनाज दिन रात की मेहनत से गांव का किसान उगाता है। किसान ही हमारा अन्नदाता सदियों से रहा है और सदियों तक रहेगा। गर्मी, बरसात हो या पूस की सर्दी किसान दिन लगा रहता है अपने खेतो में। वो सच में गेहू की भूरी बालियों में सोना उगाता है। लेकिन क्या किसान का यह सोना खेतो से कटने के बाद उसके नियंत्रण में रह पाता है ? क्या खुद को गला जो फसल वो अपने खेतो में उगाता है उसे उसकी सही कीमत मिल पाती है? जवाब है नहीं …. कभी नहीं।

किसान की मिलकियत बस उसकी जमीन तक होती है। उसके बाद वो मंडी में जाता है। जहाँ उसका सामना मंडी के दलालो से होता है। मंडी के ये दलाल किसान के फसल की औनी पौनी कीमत लगाते है। बेचारा किसान गिद्धों के बिच फसे एक छोटे से परिंदे की तरह होता है जो बस किसी तरह अपनी जान बचा कर निकल भागना चाहता है। अपनी लागत के आस पास उसे जो भी कीमत मिलती है उसे ले कर वो अपनी फसल बेच देता है। बहुत ही कम दर पर यह खरीद होती है। कई बार ऐसे हालात जान बुझ कर बनाये जाते है जिससे बाजार मूल्य गिर जाए और किसान लागत से भी बहुत कम दर पर अपनी फसल बेच दे। ऐसे में भारत सरकार आगे आती है और किसानो को नुकसान से बचाने के लिए खुद उनकी फसल खरीदती है। साल में दो बार 23 विभिन्न फसलों के लिए भारत सरकार न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (MSP )की घोषणा करती है। ये बात ध्यान देने वाली है की वर्तमान सरकार ने विगत कुछ वर्षो में खरीद भी बढ़ाई है और MSP की दरे भी। सरकार हर तरह से किसानो के साथ खड़े होने का प्रयास कर रही है। 

इसी प्रक्रिया में मोदी सरकार कृषि बिल 2020 ले कर आयी है। यह कानून हमारे कृषि प्रधान देश के किसानो को सशक्त बनाता है। इस बिल में उनकी समसयाओ के व्यवहारिक समाधानों का प्रावधान है। परन्तु यह दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण है की राजनितिक स्वार्थ के लिए किसानो को भड़काया जा रहा है। अफवाहों का बीज बो कर उनकी भावनाओ को उसकाया जा रहा है। झूठे दावे कर किसानो को आक्रोशित किया जा रहा है। किसानो को आस्वस्त करने के लिए माननीय प्रधानमंत्री जी ने खुद कई बार सफाई दी है।  सच और झूठ के फर्क को समझाने की कोशिश की है।

आइये हम भी कुछ झूठ और सच के फर्क को समझे :

1. न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य न देने के लिए कृषि बिल की साजिश रची गयी है।

भारत सरकार ने यह स्पष्ट किया है तथा कई माध्यमों से ये प्रचारित भी किया है की MSP से कृषि बिल का कोई लेना देना नहीं है। MSP मिल रही है और आगे भी मिलती रहेगी।  कृषि बिल में कहीं भी MSP की कोई चर्चा नहीं है। इसके उलट मोदी सरकार में MSP बढ़ा ही है। जैसे धान का MSP 2.4 गुणा, गेहू का 1.77 गुणा और दलहन 77 गुणा बढ़ा है। 

2 . कृषि मंडियों को बंद कर दिया जाएगा।

मंडियों को ले कर सरकार ने कभी कोई चर्चा नहीं की है। मंडिया यथावत चलती रहेंगी। इसकी भी कोई चर्चा कृषि बिल में कही नहीं है। इसके उलट भारत सरकार किसानो को अपनी फसल देश की किसी भी मंडी में  बेचने का विकल्प दे रही है। जहाँ अच्छी कीमत मिले किसान अपनी फसल वही बेच सकते है। यहाँ यह भी ध्यान रखना जरुरी है की APMC (कृषि उपज विपणन समिति ) राज्य सरकारों के अधीन होते है। उनका केंद्र के कानूनों से कोई लेना देना नहीं है।

3 . कृषि बिल किसानो को बड़ी कम्पनियो के अधीन कर देगा।

किसान को किसी दलाल या किसी मंडी के बजाय सीधे कंपनियों से साझेदारी करने की स्वतंत्रता होगी। एक पार्टनर की तरह किसान कंपनी को अपना माल बेच सकेगा। एक दीर्घकालिक साझेदारी किसान के हक़ में ही होगी। अगर कोई किसान आलू की खेती करता है तो उसे मंडी में जा कर आधे दाम में दलालो के माध्यम से आलू बेचने के बजाय एक चिप्स बनाने वाली कंपनी के साथ सीधा करार करने की स्वतंत्रता होगी। किसान को निर्धारित दाम मिलेगा। किसान इस करार से निकलने के लिए हमेशा स्वतंत्र होगा वो भी बिना किसी पेनल्टी के। किसान कंपनियों के अधीन नहीं बल्कि परोक्ष रूप से कम्पनिया किसानो के अधीन काम करेंगी।

4.  किसानो की जमीन पर पूंजीपतियों का कब्ज़ा हो जायेगा।

किसान बिल में सिर्फ और सिर्फ किसानो के हित का ध्यान रखा गया है। बिल में यह साफ साफ़ निर्देशित है की जमीन की बिक्री, लीज और गिरवी रखना पूर्णतः निषिद्ध है। कम्पनी और किसान के बीच करार सिर्फ फसल का होगा। छोटे और मझले किसान तय मुनाफा करार के माध्यम से कमाएंगे।

एक बात स्पष्ट है की विपक्षी पार्टिया सच्चाई को छुपा करा उसके बिलकुल विपरीत एक उलटी छवि किसानो के सामने पेश कर रही है। इसमें उनका सिर्फ और सिर्फ राजनितिक स्वार्थ है।  किसान का हित दरकिनार कर सिर्फ सरकार से टकराने के लिए किसानो को आगे किया जा रहा है। किसान ये भी न भूले की पंजाब और हरयाणा में किसानो को भड़काने वाली कांग्रेस पार्टी के अपने 2019 लोकसभा चुनाव के घोषणापत्र में एक ऐसे ही प्रावधान का वादा किया गया था।

किसान आंदोलन एक राजनितिक प्रयोग है। जो लोग लगभग सात साल से मोदी को किसी तरह की चुनौती नहीं दे पाए वो किसानो को मोहरा बना रहे है. प्रधानमंत्री भी अत्यंत चिंतित है शायद इसी लिए वो बार बार किसानो से अपील कर रहे है।

जय जवान जय किसान

Farmers bill misconception needs to be resolved

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The Indian farmer has always been like an areca in a nut cracker always under pressure from both supply and demand side. During recent the Indian government has introduced controversial agriculture bills that the government says will boost growth in the farming sector through private investments.

In the view of rising and fluctuating trends in agricultural prices there is a need for stabilization of prices of agricultural commodities. In India bumper crops lead to fall in revenue of farmers. Due to which APMC market has been formed which helps farmers to give a minimum price of their product irrespective of market price. But this makes farmers vulnerable to middlemen and vested interests. They are exposed to global prices but are not provided with cost efficient technologies. The new laws will remove middlemen from agriculture trade which will allow farmers to sell to institutional buyers and large retailers.

The main worry of farmers is that is they are compelled to sell at the price offered by private buyers. But the new laws are not shutting down APMC  mandis nor they are implying that MSP will not be functional. If the private deal is not distinctly better they can continue to sell their produce as before. Farmers in Punjab and Haryana where MSP is more prominent are afraid what big companies will offer to trade. The Bill also removes cereals and pulses from the list of essential commodities and attract FDI. The agreements will help farmers engage with retailer, exporter of service and sale of produce by giving access to modern technology.

The farmers bills may have been moved after years of frustration with uneven and partial state reforms. But the credibility of agriculture market reforms will not come by bypassing states. It will only depend on how the Modi government creates confidence among farmers and cooperation of states wherever needed.